History Of Zionism

The Zionism is a political ideology nationalism , emerged in the nineteenth ^century, and who intends to allow Jews to have a state.

This article focuses on three issues at the heart of the history of Zionism:

• The debates and practices around the construction of pre-national or national institutions: the World Zionist Organization, political parties, Jewish Agency, armed groups, then the state itself.
• The debates and practices surrounding the establishment of a large Jewish population in the state.
• The ideological debate between Zionist tendencies, particularly on the definition of objectives. In this regard, two issues were particularly divided (and continue to divide) the Zionists:
  • The place of religion in Jewish Zionism.
  • The question of the location of the Jewish state and its borders.

The historical facts which are quoted in the article below is very incomplete. This is especially the facts related to these three questions (institutional constructions, construction and demographic differences on the goals of Zionism) are analyzed. Events less directly related to these three questions (such as wars of 1956, 1973, and Lebanon) are not addressed, or just mentioned. It's the same for the Arab and Palestinian opposition to the Zionist project. The subject is vast and fundamental, but is addressed in this article that through its influence on the three themes mentioned above.

Terminology

Map Middle East - current borders

The terminology is not politically neutral:

• Eretz Israel (the land of Israel in the biblical sense), eventually became synonymous Greater Israel policy (including the West Bank , the Transjordan and the Gaza Strip ).
• Palestine was the term used by everyone, even the Zionists until 1948 (for example, the Israeli newspaper Jerusalem Post was called the Palestine Post until the independence of Israel ). For the period after 1948, it has a connotation of "pro-Palestinian."

To learn more about the terminology used, see Chapter Zionism: terminology.

In article below, the term " Palestine "will be used to designate the territory between the second Jewish revolt (conquered in 135 ) and the proclamation of Israel ( 1948 ), without ideological overtones.

For part of this article after the creation of Israel, we generally speak of "Israel", the "West Bank" and "Gaza Strip", a term commonly used in French. The terms of "Eretz Israel" and "Judea and Samaria" will be used in reference to ideologies that use them.

Before Zionism

The appearance of a political claim to the creation of a Jewish state from the second half of the ^nineteenth century can be explained by the existence of older foundations.

The destruction of the Jewish kingdom in antiquity

The provinces of the kingdom of Herod ^I the Great , Roman protectorate, to -25.

The last independent Jewish state, the Kingdom Hasmonean of Judea became a Roman protectorate in 63 BCE ^{The religious hope}

the "messiah" Sabbatai Zevi, who promised the return of the Jews in the Land of Israel - 1666.

As of the second diaspora, religious communities will maintain the dream of returning to Palestine to recreate a Jewish state. This is not really a political project but rather a religious and messianic dreams. It is symbolized by the famous phrase "next year in Jerusalem "delivered each year at the Seder of Passover. There will also several messiahs proclaimed as Sabbatai Zevi and Jacob Frank.

Over time, some rabbis have developed an orthodox interpretation in practice opposed to recreating a Jewish state: God punished the Jews by destroying the state, only the Messiah can recreate . Any human attempt in this regard is a revolt against God.

Nationalism

Moses Hess

With the eighteenth ^century, the Enlightenment gave birth to the concepts of nation and nation, defined by their identity - as opposed to the concept of kingdom, defined by its ruler and its borders (and often by his religion).

The French first, that their revolution of 1789 precludes all the monarchies of Europe, fought as a French citizen and not as subjects of the King of France. It was the birth of modern nationalism.

It spread throughout Europe during the nineteenth ^century. It draws particular populations occupied by another state, or divided into several states.

Thus the national idea is spreading among populations divided between several states, Germany and Italy , as well as in populations of occupied Poland , of Ireland or Hungary.

Inevitably, the nationalist idea eventually affects another European population deprived state, and even territory: the Jews.

The idea of a Jewish people is ancient and dates back to the Bible. Under the influence of nationalism, it is redefined in a less religious and more focused on a historical identity, ethnic and cultural diversity.

During the nineteenth ^century, which called messianic reading the political liberation of Israel by a king-messiah recedes as the Jewish population became more secular. This messianic reading reactivated by Don Isaac Abarbanel following the expulsion of Jews from Spain and sells the land - while adapting to it - in the face of ideologies "modern" socialism , liberalism , rationalism and nationalism .

One of the first national event is the upcoming book "Rome and Jerusalem - The Last National Question", by Moses Hess in 1862 : impressed by the success of Italian unity , the author, also close to Karl Marx , also calls for the creation of a Jewish state.

In 1869 , the Alliance Israelite Universelle creates the agricultural school Mikveh Israel near Jaffa , at the instigation of Charles Netter , one of its founders. This school will come out of generations of Jewish farmers. There will be few other initiatives in the 1870s, showing an interest in developing the land of holiness.

Antisemitism

French anti-Semitic poster from 1889 - click to enlarge

A hostile attitude to Jews is not new. For Christians, the Jews had crucified Jesus , and especially rejected the new religion.

In 1873 , a new terminology appears: the anti-Semitism. The word is due to a reporter Hamburg , Wilhelm Marr. Antisemitism is intended as a secular nationalist ideology and "modern", rather than rejecting the Jews for religious reasons, but because they are a people Semitic Middle Eastern unassimilable West. Beyond this innovation, the traditional Christian prejudice against Jews are largely covered.

Anti-Semitism and hostility to Jews spread widely around large concentrations of Jewish Eastern Europe.

According to the thesis of Leo Pinsker , it would be the gradual integration of Jews in modern life that would have provoked this reaction: the Jews were not loved but little embarrassed when they lived apart. As of their gradual penetration into the modern world, they become direct competitors and much more visible.

In 1881 , the pogroms bloody occur in the Tsarist empire against the Jews. Many of them conclude that there is no future for Jews in Eastern Europe. This is the beginning of a great emigration movement that leads 4 million Eastern European Jews to leave the region between 1880 and 1931 . The largest mass in North America will , but others will go to Western Europe, South America and even in Palestine. It should not however overlook the impact that gripped the Jewish question in Romania and in particular the negotiations at the Congress of Berlin in the 1870s in order to obtain favorable terms for a massive Jewish emigration in Romania, with the reactions of the local population. According to Jacques Halbronn (Communication to the World Congress of Jewish Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2009), it should be seen as a foreshadowing of what will happen after 1917 and because of the League of Nations regarding the establishment a Jewish homeland in Palestine. In both cases, Romania and Palestine, it is to emerge from territories of Ottoman power.

Origins of Zionism: Outline

The Zionism was born around 1880 to meet four conditions:

• The traditional definition of the Jewish people carried by the Bible and the rabbis. Besides a fundamental religious component, this traditional definition has always insisted that the Jews were also a specific people, "children of Israel , have a right to a "land which the LORD thy God giveth thee to possess .
• The secularization of some Jews. The rabbis and the "orthodox refusal

The beginnings of Zionism - 1880-1897

This period is from the publication of "Self-empowerment" to the meeting of the first World Zionist Congress.

Lovers of Zion and the first aliyah

Leon Pinsker

Baron Edmond de Rothschild , Jewish philanthropist who will fund a portion of the first Zionist immigration to Palestine from 1883.

After the bloody pogroms of 1881 , a doctor from Odessa , Leon Pinsker , published in Berlin in September 1882 Self-empowerment , the first real Zionist manifesto (the term does not exist yet). He predicted that "Judeophobia" (his term ) will increase gradually as the modernization of European societies, and gradually as the Jews leaving the ghetto will be in competition with their neighbors. He concludes that the Jews must leave the Europe and create their own state. It should be noted that the claims do not then necessarily holy land.

In parallel, organizations are beginning to appear. Young people and students founded the group in January 1882 " Bilu "(Beith Israel Lekhou Vena'ale) under the leadership of Israel Belkind . We speak often of the pioneers of the first aliyah as the Biloum.

Very quickly, Leon Pinsker became head of the Ahavat Zion, or Ahavat Zion. It is a network, also loosely structured, companies that include "every son of Israel acknowledges that there is no salvation for Israel as a Jewish government will not be installed land of Israel. "

The first group was created in 1881 by students of St. Petersburg , before publication of the book Pinsker. There will soon hundreds of companies, especially in the empire Russian , but also in Romania. Members are called " Lovers of Zion "(Zion or Hovevei Hovevei Tzion). Their goal is to organize the emigration of Jews to Palestine (then part of the Ottoman Empire ).

The emigration of the " Lovers of Zion "and that of Biloum occurs primarily in the 1880s, the trauma following the pogroms of 1881. It's called the "first aliyah "(a word meaning" ascent "in Hebrew, meaning" rise to Eretz Israel "). It affects about 10,000 people. She faced a pretty hostile Ottoman administration , which slows.

Militants, loosely organized, form the basis of what we call the "New Yishuv "(Yishuv means" Jewish community in Eretz Israel "). They meet in Palestine members of the "old Yishuv", approximately 25 000 highly religious Jews, rather Sephardic (with a minority Ashkenazi ). These devout Jews are mostly concentrated in the four holy cities of Jerusalem , Tiberias , Safed and Hebron.

Ashkenazi Sephardi cons, traditionalists against modern population cons led by his former youth activists, religious against secular, Eastern European cons, Zionists against Anti-Zionists (recall that the rabbis believed that only the Messiah could recreate the Jewish State): relationships are often strained, even hostile.

This first wave of immigrants is historically significant, despite its limited influence population:

• It creates the villages on the coast of Palestine ( Rishon Lezion in 1882, Rosh Pina , Petah Tikva , Zichron Yaakov , Gedera ...) , which become for many cities, and still explain part of the geography Urban Israel.
• It lends credence to the idea of emigration to Eretz Israel.
• Through one of its members, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda , she founded the Hebrew modern.

Jewish agricultural colonies of the first Aliyah will be strongly supported, as of 1883 , for funding of Baron Edmond de Rothschild , who appears as one of the key men of the first Zionist. After 1899 , the a href = "Jewish_Colonization_Association"> Jewish Colonization Association, founded by Baron Maurice de Hirsch in 1891 , will take over financially, and also participate in the purchase of land in Palestine and assistance to agricultural settlements.

Eliezer Ben Yehudah and the Modern Hebrew

Eliezer Ben-Yehudah at his desk.

The Hebrew was no longer used as the language spoken by Jews since before the fall of the last Jewish kingdom. The Jews of Judea had adopted the Aramaic vernacular as well before the birth of Jesus Christ. The Hebrew language had become a purely religious.

At the beginning of the nineteenth ^century, is reappearing in Europe, a secular literature in Hebrew. She is embarrassed by the language of religion and foreign to the modern world. Some modernization begins to emerge, led by secular Jewish intellectuals, the maskilim.

Eliezer Ben Yehudah will systematize this enterprise modernization. He believes that Hebrew should become the language spoken by Jews in Palestine. As such, it intends to make a modern language.

He resumed the pronunciation of Jews Sephardic , he considers more consistent with the original and creates hundreds of new words, adapted to the needs of a modern society and science. This is the basis of Hebrew being spoken in Israel. It should be noted that the traditional religious Jews were strongly opposed to this business: for them, Hebrew was to remain the language of the Bible.

The beginnings of Zionism: synthesis

The institutional structures are weak or marginal. The development of a "national language" is modernized, however, a fundamental event.

Demographically, the "New Yishuv "Zionist remains lower in number in the" Old Yishuv "religious. But a group of villages began to appear around which structure the human landscape of the twentieth ^century.

As for the ideological debate, they are almost absent from the period.

But beyond its limits, this formative period has created a dynamic that will intensify in the coming decades.

The founding of the World Zionist Organization and the second aliyah - 1897-1918

Nathan Birnbaum, founder of "Zionism."

In the mid-1890s, Zionist ideology exists. The term "Zionism" itself was created by Nathan Birnbaum in 1886. It is increasingly recognized in the 1890s.

This proto-Zionism has its organization, its territorial goal, his first supporters. But his influence remains very marginal, and its organization is very limited.

The change will come from Theodor Herzl (1860-1904).

Theodor Herzl

Theodor Herzl.

In 1894 , the Hungarian journalist attends Paris on the degradation of Captain Dreyfus , the cries of "Death to Jews". It will show a posteriori that this situation was a shock to him, without his "Journal," yet rich in insight, and replete with historical references - .

Theodor Herzl is not a great theoretician. His theoretical work is modest. It has been a good organizer cons, uniting and guiding nationalist sentiment more or less diffuse, who struggled to organize.

The Zionist Congress - defining objectives and means

The First Congress and the founding of the World Zionist Organization

In 1897 , Herzl convened in Basel (in Switzerland ) the first World Zionist Congress. He wished that all the Jewish communities sent representatives. In fact, Congress has limited success. Herzl is still little known, and his drawing power is so too. Significantly religious objections, "the first Zionist Congress could be held in Munich because of the outraged protests of the rabbinate German .

Two hundred and four delegates present, however, especially from Central and Eastern Europe, and the Basel Convention is generally cited as the real beginning of Zionism.

The congress will take several decisions:

• Zionism is to create a Jewish homeland.
• The World Zionist Organization (WZO) was established to coordinate the political Zionist in the world. Theodor Herzl is named its first president.
• The OSM will act on the diplomatic level to recognize the goals of Zionism by the great powers.
• Congress will be held regularly to coordinate actions.

Importantly, the OSM is not an exclusive organization requiring the monopoly of political representation of Zionism. Political parties who may wish to form and join the Zionist Movement.

The structuring of Zionism: Zionist institutions and political work

Coverage of the Zionist novel Altneuland of Theodor Herzl.

The Congress of Basel had laid down principles and projects. Remained to implement them. During the following years, Herzl and the early Zionist propaganda significant lead in the communities, especially in Europe.

They also carry an intense diplomatic efforts with major powers of the time.

The World Zionist Organization as a priority attempts to negotiate with the Sultan Ottoman , which owns the Palestine , through the German Emperor Wilhelm II , but without success.

The major objective of Herzl then becomes to obtain a colonial power agreed to establish a Jewish settlement in Palestine. At the time, the idea of settlement is a well recognized aspect of the discourse and practice colonial ( South Africa , Algeria , New Zealand , Canada , Australia ...).

At the same time, it should not cause a rupture between the Zionists and the Ottoman Empire , Manager of Palestine , who might feel threatened and ban immigration. The Ottomans, Herzl thus argues that the Jews will bring expertise and capital, which guarantee a country's modernization.

In 1898 and 1899 , new Zionist Congress held in Basel , each time with a little more success.

At the third congress in 1899 , launching the Bank Jewish settlement is agreed. It is responsible for financing purchases of land in Palestine.

In 1900 , the fourth Zionist Congress was held in London.

In 1901 , the Fifth Zionist Congress decided to Basel creation:

• the Jewish National Fund , in charge of purchasing land in Palestine. This policy is one of the sources of Arab hostility, because a number of sales are farms whose farmers were evicted by landowners (often notable Syrian ).
• the Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael (KKL), responsible for managing land purchased in the interests of all Jews from Palestine. The KKL is still the basis of public domain land of Israel. The model of collective ownership of land purchased (which does not necessarily mean a collective management) will be the dominant pattern of ownership of land by the Jews in Palestine.

In 1902 , Theodor Herzl published a science fiction novel Earth old, new earth , in which he discusses life in the future state and described Zionism as "an outpost of civilization, a bulwark of Europe against Asia , opposed to barbarism. "

Option territorialist - 1903-1905

Israel Zangwill , the main leader territorialists in 1905.

Since the beginnings of Zionism, the Palestine was central to the project of a Jewish state. But the Palestinian case was a big weakness: Palestine was part of the Ottoman Empire , and it had no interest in "giving" of Palestine to the Jews.

1903 is the year of the terrible pogroms of Kishinev. These will be followed by a series of other pogroms until 1906. The emotion in the Western world is great, as were bloody pogroms.

This emotion is one reason why the British government Chamberlain moved in 1903 to Theodor Herzl to give the MSO a part of Uganda at the time (in present Kenya ), to create a "National Home Jewish. "

Hostile to the abandonment of Palestine, the Sixth Zionist Congress in 1903 sharply divided. A commission was sent there, however.

In 1905 , the Seventh Zionist Congress was held in Basel. There is definitely decided to postpone the proposal for Uganda , as well as any alternative to Palestine.

The "territorial" who wanted to "territory", consider that denying a state where it is suicidal given the attitude of the Ottomans. Most of decided authorities (a small minority) operate a split. They created the 'Organization Jewish territorialism ", led by Israel Zangwill. The organization will have little success and will enter a rapid decline after the Balfour Declaration of 1917 , which makes it useless. It was disbanded in 1925.

One can see in the issue of territorialism the beginnings of a debate that will shake the Zionist movement repeatedly until the beginning of the XXI ^Century: The primary goal of Zionism is it to create a state for Jews (including borders are after all a relative), or is it imperative to create a state in the biblical borders of Eretz Israel?

The period 1903-1905 has not only revolved around the land issue:

• The year 1903 also saw the creation of the Anglo-Palestine Bank (later Bank Leumi LeIsrael).
• Theodor Herzl died in 1904. Wolffsohn David (1856-1914), became head of the Zionist movement.
• Also in 1904 , the Committee of the Hebrew Language (Va'ad Halashon) is established to enhance the work of Eliezer Ben Yehudah and promote the Hebrew (not the Yiddish or the German , as envisaged some) as the language of the Jewish homeland.

The last congress before the First World War

In 1907 , the Eighth Zionist Congress was held in The Hague. He sees two opposing trends that existed for several years, but the debates will harden at this conference. Until then, most of the MSO were reluctant (as Herzl himself) against the colonization of Palestine ("Zionism practice").
She felt it was a "charter" is to say a formal legal status (Ottoman or international) before starting a mass Jewish settlement. Hence the priority given to diplomatic action and the name given to this approach: "Political Zionism." Chaim Weizmann appears with the left as a tenant in a more determined action on the ground. The opposition "practice" obtained in 1907 to strengthen the measures in Ottoman Palestine, but the orientation "policy" fundamental OSM is not questioned.

In 1909 , the ninth Zionist Congress was held in Hamburg. Zionists "practical" and "policies" continue to oppose it. The latter are dominant.

In 1911 , the Tenth Zionist Congress was held in Basel. This conference is important in that it changes the policy of the organization. The factions "practical" and "political" in fact come to an agreement, and agree to work towards Zionism "synthetic", acting in both directions. Specifically, more resources are freed to help the pioneers of the Second Aliyah.

In 1913 , the Eleventh Zionist Congress was held in Vienna.

The First World War

The Balfour Declaration.

In 1914 began the First World War. It will have a decisive impact on the success of Zionism.

The Ottomans entered the war alongside Germany and Austria, and therefore against France , the United Kingdom , the Italian and the Tsarist empire.

Each of the four powers oppose the Ottoman Empire has territorial claims on it, more or less official:

• The Italians are some islands of the Aegean.
• The Russians are the Dardanelles , the lock of the Black Sea.
• The French are the Lebanon and Syria , where they are known since the ^nineteenth century as the protecting power of Christians.
• The British aim of Palestine, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf. These include for them to secure "the route to India, passing through the Suez Canal.

In this context, the action in favor of the Zionist establishment of a settlement in Palestine under the mandate of a great power interests the United Kingdom. From 1915 , the British Zionist leader, Chaim (or Chaim) Weizmann , began to convince management of the British interest for her to support the Zionist cause, at first without much success.

In 1916 , the Sykes-Picot secret agreements between France and the United Kingdom divide the Ottoman Empire in the event of victory, and give the UK the areas it wants.

In 1917 , Lord Balfour, the British government representative, address to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild, a letter, the " Balfour Declaration "in which he said that the UK supports the establishment of a" Jewish national home "in Palestine. This letter is not a legally binding commitment, but it represents a tremendous boost for Zionism. The letter appears to have had two objectives: to advance in the establishment of a settlement near the pro-British Suez Canal , and to rally American Jews, while the UK at all costs trying to convince the U.S. to go to war with him.

The Balfour Declaration is against unwelcome in the Arab world. In the words of Arthur Koestler , "one nation solemnly promised to a second nation the country of a third . It is also noteworthy that the British had already promised to Hussein ibn Ali , sharif of Mecca, the creation of a great Arab kingdom Unit on the Middle East. It was about getting the military contribution of Arab nationalists to the weakening of the Ottoman Empire (see Lawrence of Arabia ). The Balfour Declaration was therefore in contradiction with this first promise.

End 1917 , continuing the troops Ottoman retreat, the British took possession of Palestine (capture of Jerusalem December 11, 1917). They will remain there until 1948.

The creation of political parties

After the first Zionist Congress in Basel , Zionist political parties, or at least of thoughts, quickly organized.

Liberals

1918. Emir Feisal I and Chaim Weizmann , a leading liberal leader (left, also wearing an outfit Arab sign of friendship).

Although it is here in the section on political Zionists, the Liberals will form a real party until 1922. They nevertheless existed long before and had a decisive influence on the birth of Zionism.

The term " General Zionists "began to be used shortly after the creation of the OSM, to designate a current of thought which is very close to the World Zionist Organization, which has just been created, and who refuses to be structured in a specific party, unlike the left currents of the time. The "General Zionists" are self-uninterested party games and the great ideological debates. However, we see very early emergence of associations or "factions", through which they speak. They continue to predominate in the MSO until the 1920s. In 1922, various groups and factions establish the Organization of General Zionists.

Although reluctant to ideological debates, they call themselves liberal economic and political. They mostly attract the middle classes and middle classes of the Jewish diaspora , and later the Yishuv (Jewish community in Palestine).

They are moderate, both in terms of nationalism in political matters.

In many ways (including his pragmatism, his bourgeois social base, its economic choices and his insistence on diplomatic action), the "General Zionism" is the current thinking is closest to Herzl. Chaim Weizmann , who will get the statement Balfour was a member of this school of thought.

On the front of pioneering Zionism in Palestine, "Zionism general" lack of activists. These are clearly not dominated party representatives of the Zionist left. But in the Zionist Congress, liberals are dominant until about 1930.

Given his rather bourgeois social base, the ability of Zionism General "to raise funds for Jewish settlement in Palestine will be valuable for the Zionist movement.

The Marxist Left

Ber Borochov, author of a synthesis between Jewish nationalism and Marxism.

In 1905-1906, the Poale Zion ("the worker of Zion ") is founded on the basis of associations Poale Zion which had existed for some time in Eastern Europe and the U.S.. This party Marxist attracts the activists of the Left nationalist disappointed by the rejection of Zionism by the Bund (General Jewish Labor Union), Eastern European Marxist party founded in 1897.

The new party leader is an intellectual born in Ukraine czarist Dov Ber Berochov (1881-1917). It achieves a synthesis between Marxism and Jewish nationalism. In his view, the only oppression is not the oppression of classes , and the only motor of history is not class struggle. The national oppression, and thus the national liberation struggles, can be as powerful engines of historical evolution.

The two aspects critical Poale Zion Zionism of Herzl:

• the latter's insistence on diplomatic action. Without rejecting it, the Poale Zion believes that there must be a Zionism of the facts, focusing on the Jewish settlement of Palestine, without waiting for the support or acquiescence of major powers.
• Herzl's acceptance of the established social order. The Poale Zion intends to fight for national liberation and social emancipation struggle on the same plane. It is workers who create the Jewish state Jewish, and not diplomats nor bourgeois.

In practice, the Poale Zion is fully integrated with the World Zionist Organization (WZO). Between class struggle and national struggle, it will eventually always come first national struggle, looking for that the other factions of Zionist alliance, including the "bourgeois" of the General Zionists. Indeed, beyond its ideology, Poale Zion is emerging as a reformist party, and one of two main origins of the current Israeli Labor Party.

David Ben Gurion joined a local group Poale Zion in 1904. In 1906 , the party's branches were formed in several countries, including the Austrian and especially Palestine.

In the years following the founding of the party, it will see many divisions, mainly that of Poale Zion Left , a new party based on the same ideological principles but demanding a more authentically revolutionary practice, less reformist.

Both Poale Zion Zion Poale the Left will participate in the revolution of 1917. Many members of Zion Poale Left rally besides the Bolshevik party after that date. We will review some in Palestine, as agents of the Third International.

Zion Poale the Left is also one of the origins of future major party of the extreme Zionist left, the Mapam , who would later join the current Meretz.

The non-Marxist left

Aharon David Gordon.

The party Ha'poel Hatzair ("young worker") was formed in 1905 by Aharon David Gordon. The ideology is largely inspired by the populist socialism of the Russian and the work of Tolstoy. The goal is to create a socialist agricultural, very marked by anti-authoritarianism, or the anarchism. The class struggle is regarded as dangerous from the standpoint of building a Jewish homeland.

However, the commonalities are numerous with the Poale Zion: to create a workers' state in a progressive perspective, without cutting more conservative tendencies of the Zionist movement. The commitment to pioneering Zionism, especially interested in the concrete achievements, is also highly developed.

The Ha'poel Hatzair has also left his dissent, the Hashomer Hatzair , who will also play an important role in the future development of Mapam.

It should be noted that the kibbutzim , rural communities and influenced by collectivist anarchism (little or no elections, management by the general meeting) are originally a political and social Ha'poel Hatzair. The first is pre-kibbutz founded in 1909.

Religious Nationalism

The rav Kalischer , a leading author advocating religious Jewish state.

Orthodox rabbis were opposed to Zionism because they felt that God had decided majority of the dispersion of the Jewish people as a punishment for his sins. Only God, through the Messiah , could therefore restore Israel. Any attempt to advance was not only doomed to failure, but might attract the wrath of God . To this was added as a theological hostility hostility to secularism sometimes aggressive (especially on the left) of the Zionists.

Yet in the 1840s, became a minority among religious Ashkenazim from Eastern Europe . For this current, rather it is a divine commandment for Jews to settle in the Holy Land. The monitoring of this command could even accelerate the return of the Messiah.

In 1891 , a religious Zionist organization, the Mizrahi (Oriental), is formed on the basis of these ideas. She gave birth in 1902 to a genuine political party with the same name. This party is known in French as the " National Religious Party ", or NRP (NRP, according to its acronym Hebrew ).

The NRP was originally a relatively moderate party, the meeting of modernity and tradition. It is very clearly a minority in the Zionist movement which is itself rather small in the Jewish western and more eastern in the Jewish world.

Non-Zionists

Members of the Bund ensuring the bodies of three of their comrades killed in Odessa during the 1905 revolution.

During this formative period of Zionism, other political activists attract Jews , sometimes in specifically Jewish movement. These movements have debates, conflicts and even partial agreements with the Zionists.

• Agudat Israel : it is a Jewish political party founded in 1912 in Katowice (Poland present Russian Empire at the time) as the political arm of Orthodox Judaism . There are today as a political party in Israel. It was originally very strongly anti-Zionist.
• The Bund : Founded in 1897 , he defended the Jewish workers and aims at a cultural and political autonomy, but not territorial, Jews in Eastern Europe, as part of a future socialist society. He practices a form of nationalism attenuated, but not a Zionist, because he believes that Jews are entitled to a future in their country of origin.
• Finally, there are Jewish activists in many parties in Europe, especially on the left.

Political parties Zionist Synthesis

There are three main categories:

• a Zionism of the left, Marxist or non-Marxist, to be dominant in Palestine and Israel from the beginning of the century until 1977 , and has deeply marked the history of Zionism and Israel.
• A right-wing Zionism moderate, liberal, at that time relatively little influence in the Holy Land, but was higher in the diaspora, and dominant in the World Zionist Organization.
• A Religious Zionism at the time little influence and quite moderate.

These parties are, at the time, still a minority within the Jewish West, but they influence with their members a growing number of Jews. These are (especially on the left) the key players in the field of Zionism (in Palestine and the Diaspora), more than the World Zionist Organization, which focuses increasingly on institutional and diplomatic action.

Immigration

From 1903 to 1906, Russia experienced a wave of czarist pogroms, particularly violent and traumatic, as well as significant political unrest due to the Russo-Japanese War (lost by Russia ) and the failed revolution of 1905.

Just like the pogroms of 1881 had raised the " Lovers of Zion "and provoked the first aliyah , the pogroms of 1903-1906 accelerated the birth of the Zionist political parties, and cause a great wave of emigration . There are nearly one million Jews who leave the tsarist empire between 1903 and 1914. 30 000 to 40 000 will go to the Holy Land: this is the second aliyah.

Young, very marked on the left, very well organized, they will mark the depth Yishuv. Most of the Zionist leaders of Palestine until the 1950s will come from their ranks. It may well include David Ben Gurion (emigrated 1906) and Yitzhak Ben-Zvi.

Highlights

In 1906 , the first Hebrew school was founded in Jaffa , just as the Bezalel School of Arts in Jerusalem.

In 1909 , a small Jewish village near Jaffa was founded and became the new city of Tel Aviv. The Kibbutz Degania Alef, the "mother of kibbutzim, is founded the same year. There are also some clashes between Jews and Arabs in Galilee , which lead to the creation of the first Jewish militia, the Hashomer ("custody"). In the city of Jerusalem , the relationship between Sephardim and Ashkenazim is reversed because of Zionist immigration, almost entirely Ashkenazi.

In 1914 , when the Ottoman Empire entered the war, the Yishuv , the Jewish community of Palestine, has about 85 000 people in a population of 725,000 inhabitants or 12% of the total population.

The First World War considerably weakens the Yishuv. Citizens of the powers at war against the Ottoman Empire, particularly the Russians / A>, are arrested or deported. However, Jewish immigrants are often from Russia. When the British arrived, the Jewish population is only 56,000 souls. But it quickly goes back to 83 000 people in late 1918, thanks to the speedy return of those expelled.

Period 1897-1918: Synthesis

The period 1897-1918 was crucial for the Zionist movement. A global organization (in fact most European and North American) was born. It has its banks, its diplomats and political parties.

The opposition between a pioneering Zionism and Zionism diplomat remained largely theoretical in the end. The pioneering Zionism began to create a state of the field, and Zionism diplomat (often called "political Zionism") has obtained a huge success in getting the UK promises a "national home for Jews in Palestine. "

The reaction Arabic is still small, but begins to speak. To the Arabs of Palestine, in particular, opposition to what the land where they live should be given to others is very strong, and fear of dispossession grows.

The Jewish National Home - 1919-1947

This period precedes the establishment of the State of Israel. In practice, the period 1919-1947 allows for the creation of a proto-Jewish State in place of the Israeli-Palestinian territories, with its government, parliament, administration, police, army, diplomacy, its population, economic system, its gone. In 1947, the decision by the UN to create the State of Israel largely validate a pre-existing state of affairs.

The League of Nations mandate

the Jewish national home in its first Borders (1920)

the Jewish national home in its borders after 1922

With the Balfour Declaration , the United Kingdom had promised the establishment of a " Jewish national home "in Palestine . The British Mandate was formalized by the League of Nations (SDN) in July 1922.

The mandate states that the UK must "put the country in political, administrative and economic environment for the establishment of a Jewish national home and the development of democratic self-government." It must also "facilitate Jewish immigration and encourage compact installation of the Jews on the land " .

A warrant much more vague than the agent must ensure the preservation of civil and religious rights of the Arab population (one does not speak of "political rights"). This difference in treatment is strongly criticized by Arab leaders Palestinians , either by the radicals grouped around the Mufti, Haj Amin al Husseini , or the moderates grouped mainly around the Nashashibi family.

The formation of the Jewish Agency

The mandate of the League plans to create a political system "autonomous" in charge of the Jews, the British military to reserving key decisions under the authority of a "High Commissioner". There will be seven between 1920 and 1948. The first of these is Sir Herbert Samuel , a Jew but also a Zionist sympathizer.

The political system in the Jewish community will be organized around an elected assembly, Asefat nivharim-ha , with a restricted form of "legislative power" and a " Jewish Agency "in charge of executive power. The first elections to the ha-Asefat nivharim take place in 1920. The Jewish Agency was formed in 1922 as a mere branch of the OSM. There is also a National Council ( Va'ad Leumi ), especially administrative, dealing with education, local authorities, social affairs and health.

The power of the Jewish Assembly is fairly limited, and will remain of little real influence to the creation of Israel in 1948 , signing his replacement by the Knesset. This is actually the Jewish Agency will concentrate power in the Yishuv , particularly in the new Zionist Yishuv. It will gradually become a real state apparatus.

The Jewish Agency will see its influence grow in 1929 , the 16th Zionist Congress , when it takes its autonomy, OSM and the non-Zionist religious Jews are willing to work with her. It was not for them to create a Jewish state, but to find a haven for many Jews trying to leave the Central and Eastern Europe experiencing the rise of antisemitism. Despite this limitation, it is a remarkable change in the strong rejection of Zionism was that this line of thought. This is not an ideological rallying, but the beginning of a movement for acceptance of a Jewish state.

It is noteworthy that the Jewish Agency has quickly with a military arm: the Haganah. It is formed initially Jerusalem in 1920, after anti-Jewish riots. It is generalized by the Jewish Agency in the early 1920s as a militia responsible for defending the Yishuv against possible Arab attacks. Haganah is not recognized by the Mandatory power, and relations between it and the Jewish militia swaying in periods ranging from indifference to repression, through the alliance (during the " Great Revolt Arabic ).

The Arab refusal of institutional involvement and mandate

Amin al-Husseini , Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and president of the Arab Higher Committee.

The British propose to the representatives of the Arab community to also create an "agency" to represent their community. But these leaders refuse, considering that there would have been a recognition of the pro-Zionist mandate of the League and its validity.

This refusal may have limited the opportunities of the Arab nationalists in Palestine (Palestinian nationalism is still specific training). But he will also worry the result of British management.

Without directly challenging the British presence, the Palestinian Arab leaders vigorously disputed the terms of reference, which include the strengthening of the indefinite presence in Zionist Palestine. This attitude is supported by the Arab nationalists of the Middle East. From the first riots of 1920 , the British realized that their pro-Zionist policy might adversely affect their interests Middle East. In 1922 , a first "White Paper "British (under the leadership of Winston Churchill , then colonial secretary) proposes to limit Jewish immigration. There will be others as and far tougher opposition. However, until 1939 , the United Kingdom will continue to allow a large Jewish immigration.

The growing opposition of the Arabs, however, leads the British to review the territory of the "Jewish National Home." This was initially to include the territories of what today is called: Israel (without the Golan ), the Gaza Strip , the West Bank and Jordan.

But in 1922, it was decided to remove the territory that now form the Jordan (then "Emirate of Transjordan." It is both a decision designed to reassure Arab nationalists, and a gesture towards the Family Hashemites (one son, Abdullah, receives the emirate). Although reluctant, the World Zionist Organization accepts this assignment.

Jewish immigration

The vast majority of Zionists (there are some exceptions, like Ahad Ha'am ) views after 1922 and obtain a warrant that Zionism now has two specific goals: to build national institutions and encouraging Jewish immigration.

The Jewish population rose from 83,000 at the end of 1918 to 164,000 in 1930 , then to 463,000 in 1940 and 650,000 during the vote on the creation of Israel in 1947. The growth comes from immigration, but also a high birthrate. During this period the Arab population doubled from 660 000 to 1 200 000.

As for the first two aliyah (1881-1902 and 1903-1914), it is anti-Semitic disturbances in Europe that marked the waves of emigration from Europe, to America, Western Europe, and increasingly over Palestine.

Third Aliyah (1919-1923) is linked to the unrest and civil wars in Eastern Europe after the First World War and the Bolshevik revolution. It covers 35 000 people, mostly young people to socialist-Zionist beliefs. They are originally in 1921 , the first real kibbutz (Ein Harod, a collectivist farm) and the first moshav (Nahalal, a farm cooperative).

The Fourth Aliyah (1924-1928) brought 80,000 immigrants to Palestine rather different. They are mainly members of the Polish middle classes, driven by economic measures anti-Jewish government of Warsaw. Although many support the left, others more conservative, go to the General Zionists, the Revisionists on the right (see below), or the religious Zionists. The fourth aliyah causes urban development (these immigrants have little interest in rural communities of the Zionist pioneers - Socialist), commerce, crafts. In 1924, the Technion (Technical University) was founded in Haifa and in 1925, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem opened on Mount Scopus. But this wave of immigration also causes an imbalance between the economic capacities of countries and the influx of new populations. This imbalance causes high unemployment. The crisis is severe and lasts from 1926 to 1929 , causing a phenomenon of leaving some of the new immigrants.

Fifth Aliyah (1929-1939) saw the immigration of 180,000 Jews. They come from Eastern Europe, where the structure of authoritarian nationalist regimes more or less anti-Semitic. 40 000 come from Germany and Austria where the Nazis came to power. There is even an agreement called Haavara ("transfer") between the Zionist Organization and the Third Reich in 1933 and active until 1938. The agreement also causes clashes between "pragmatists" like Ben Gurion, who want to bring up Jews and capital (30 million dollars are transferred) in Palestine , and those who oppose any contact with Nazis. The fifth aliyah is particularly important not only because it is the strongest of a demographic standpoint, but also because it brings a population relatively rich, educated, which will allow a significant modernization of the economic structure of the Yishuv. This immigration is also socially and economically more conservative than the Third Aliyah. We can finally note that the 180 000 immigrants, about 15,000 are illegal, brought into the country after 1934 without going through the Jewish Agency and British control. Indeed, British immigration quotas, though large, are becoming insufficient for applications. This illegal immigration, which raises the reserves of the Jewish Agency which does not have a problem with the British, is both organized by the left kibbutznik (people from kibbutzim ) and activists of the revisionist right. In 1936 , Operation Oumigdal Homa "(walls and towers) begins. It is a leading company locations surprises, from 1936 to 1939, creating 51 new locations, each in one night, in a context of confrontation with the Arabs.

Beginning in 1939 , the British greatly reduce the number of visas granted to Jews wanting to go to Palestine, even though the pressure on the Jews of Europe became untenable with the outbreak of the Second World War, and especially with the onset of genocide of the Jews in 1941 - 1942.

Immigration from 1939 to 1947 is therefore largely illegal. It affects around 80,000 people fleeing Europe. The majority come in the immediate post-war and are genocide survivors, trying to avoid the British blockade. Those who fail are placed in detention camps in Germany or Cyprus , causing a feeling of solidarity in the Western world. The Jewish Agency also will use this feeling by holding a double-immigration side of a totally illegal immigration, and other attempts to force open the British blockade. Recent attempts, usually leading to a British boarding, aimed to raise publicly the issue of Jewish immigration. The best known of these attempts at illegal immigration but not really illegal cargo is the Exodus , a ship carrying 4,500 illegal immigrants, which was illegally arrested by the British Navy in international waters. It was partly this refugee crisis of 1946-1947, which explains the creation of the Jewish state by the UN in 1947.

Finally, immigration has been high between 1918 and 1947. It dealt mostly with European Jews. Thus, the Sephardim are only in 1947 that 20% of the Yishuv Jews.

The split of the Zionist Revisionists (1925-1935)

Ze'ev Vladimir Jabotinsky, the leader of the revisionists.

The Zionist right, also fairly centrist, had dominated since the founding of the MSO by the General Zionists.

In the 1920s, there is the radicalization of a new nationalist right. This development is a translation in Jewish circles a tendency to radicalization nationalist parties in many European right time. This radicalization is linked to the challenges of new frontiers from the First World War and the shock of the Bolshevik revolution.

As an ideology of European origin, the Zionism has always been influenced by political developments in its original environment, noted for liberal or left. It's the same on the right of the political spectrum.

More specifically, the emergence of revisionist party is linked to two elements:

• The rejection of Bolshevism and, beyond, of the leftist ideologies necessary strength in the new Yishuv. The revisionists accuse the Zionist left long to be composed of crypto-Bolshevik.
• The refusal of the division of Eretz Israel , that is to say, the creation of the Emirate of Hashemite Transjordan (now Jordan ).

In the Bible, some areas east of the Jordan are the territory of the tribes of Israel. For uncompromising nationalist (rather lay elsewhere at the time), so it's a return to land to Jews.

Ze'ev Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880-1940), a Zionist leader, born in Odessa (Tsarist empire), refuses this "division". It also challenges the acceptance by the MSO's mandate SDN. Indeed, the term refers to a "Jewish national home" but not an independent state, which is insufficient to Jabotinsky. But at this stage of the Jewish presence in Palestine , the MSO and the Jewish Agency felt awkward and premature to go further. Thus, in 1931 , the Seventeenth Zionist Congress still refuses to position itself officially in favor of an independent Jewish state.

After the affair Petliura Simon , Jabotinsky resigned from his post at the direction of the MSO in early 1923 and organized an independent federation wishing to "revise" Zionism. It calls for broader immigration, the establishment of a "Jewish Brigade" responsible for defending Eretz Israel and self-determination, that is to say, independence.

In 1925 , he formally created the " World Union of Zionist Revisionists "with headquarters in Paris.

The revisionist party will then position itself as the representative of a hardline nationalist right. The revisionist party has a youth organization, the Betar , even more radically. This includes some forms of fascist movements: uniform, cult leader, paramilitary training, but without formally adhering to fascism.

Soon, the hatred dominated relations with the Zionist left, marked on either side by an incredible verbal abuse. Ben Gurion dubbed in the 1930s Jabotinsky "Vladimir Hitler" and accuses him of being a fascist. For their part, the revisionists gladly consider Labor's Mapai (unified in 1930 ) as dangerous communists and members of Betar sometimes punch in the meetings left.

Abba Ahimeir, a leader of the extreme right-wing revisionist in 1932.

In practice, the Zionist left has been engaged in a process of social democratization fast enough, far from communism. Revisionism is not on his side to fascism. However, we can see that in the Labour Party, a left wing anti-capitalist or pro-Soviet exists, and fascist sympathizers proclaimed operate on the right wing of the Revisionist Party ( Brit Ha'birionim under the authority of Abba Ahimeir ). While refusing to follow them, Jabotinsky also refuses to break with them. In 1933 , we even see Abba Ahimeir approve certain aspects of Nazism (especially "Pulp anti-Marxist," as he put it) by anti-communism. This output provokes fury against Jabotinsky, very worried by the rise of Nazism.

In 1935 , the revisionists are a step further in their criticism of Zionist institutions and the MSO decided to leave because of the refusal of this claim officially a Jewish state. Beyond the very real ideological differences, relations with the Left (who had taken control of the MSO in 1933) had become so bad that collaboration was very difficult.

The seizure of power by Labour (1931-1933)

David Ben Gurion in 1918.

In 1919, the Poale Zion has changed its name and became the Achdut Ha'avoda. In 1930 it merged with Ha'poel Hatzair , the great advantage of the non-Marxist left, to form the Labour Party Mapai (Workers' Party of Eretz Israel).

This fusion of the moderate left gives political weight to particularly important Zionist left, which is now the largest political faction within the Jewish community in Palestine.

In 1931 , the various currents Zionists - socialists (especially Mapai, but small parties of the extreme Zionist left) earn 42% of the vote.

In 1933 , with the support of liberals Chaim Weizmann , the Labour Party came to power in the MSO.

The key man of the time was David Ben Gurion. He is the leader of Mapai , the president of the Jewish Agency (the Zionist Executive in Palestine) and the secretary general of the Histadrut (until 1935 ). The Histadrut (General Association of Workers of Eretz Israel) is more than a union. She also runs a large economic sector ( kibbutzim , moshavim , cooperative enterprises), a major health insurance fund (Kupat Holim), supports the Schools of the current "worker" and comes in the socio-cultural (sports associations , cultural, publishing, newspapers).

The power of Ben Gurion and his party is very important in the Yishuv and the MSO, which earned him a dictator by Jabotinsky.

As of early 1930 and until 1977 , the Labour Party will be the hegemonic party of the political life of the Yishuv and Israel, remain in power permanently.

The Great Arab Revolt 1935-1939

A Jewish bus protected against stone-throwing Arab revolt during 1936-1939.

In 1929 and 1930 , there were new Arab riots against Jewish settlements (150 Jews dead, dozens of Arabs). They aim to do all the Jews, they belong to the new or the old Yishuv. Thus the old Jewish community of Hebron was driven from his city. These riots are a sign that the situation is tending more and more. The Arabs of Palestine were more afraid of being dispossessed of their land. They also mark the rise of the Mufti of Jerusalem and leader of the Muslim Supreme Council, Amin al-Husseini , who raises more and more like political and religious leader of Palestinian hardliners, both in respect of Zionism as the British occupiers.

From 1935 to 1939 occurs what we call "the Great Arab Revolt in Palestine. "

In November 1935 began in Galilee , a small guerrilla waged in the name of jihad by a Muslim preacher, Izz al-Din al-Qassam , quickly killed by the British.

In early 1936 , the United Kingdom abandoned, under Zionist pressure, a draft legislative assembly representing the entire population of Palestine, where Arabs have always been the majority.

Such abandonment and the events of Galilee cause in April 1936 a general strike that lasted six months and accompanied by guerrilla actions against the British forces, but also violence against Jewish civilians. The Arab Higher Committee, headed by the Mufti, is at the heart of the Arab mobilization. But it is poorly organized, however, remains somewhat centralized. Violence is the British (murder of the governor of Galilee in September 1937), Jews (415 deaths between 1937 and 1939) and even moderate Arabs.

The United Kingdom represses very hard through the military justice exception, sending 20,000 soldiers, arrests and deportations out of Palestine. Even moderates are affected, and the Palestinian Arab society permanently weakened fate of this showdown.

The Haganah claimed British troops, sometimes in close cooperation, and enhanced spell events.

However, the British are aware that the solution can not be exclusively military, especially the Arab nationalism grew in the Middle East and feels solidarity with the Palestinian Arabs. The British Empire has an interest, not only for Palestine , to find a solution acceptable to all.

The proposed partition of Palestine by the Peel Commission

The government study in 1937 ( Peel Commission ) a proposed partition of Palestine, the Arabs who attributes most of the territory (85%), but that would create a Jewish state in the Galilee and the coastal strip (15% of Palestine). From either side, large reserves arise.

• David Ben-Gurion and Chaim Weizmann (cons many of their supporters) reluctantly accept the plan, whereas a Jewish state can not be denied, despite its boundaries. The OSM, by cons, rejects the proposed boundary, while agreeing to discuss a partition plan. The Revisionist Party of Jabotinsky , finally, is totally opposed to the project.
• Arab moderates (around the Nashashibi family of powerful and Transjordan) also accept with reluctance, but the project is rejected by supporters of the Mufti.

The lack of enthusiasm of all the project will ultimately fail (November 1938). But the British government continues to seek a solution.

The Government then published in May 1939 a new white paper, which is a shock to the Zionist movement and can cause them to fear the political success of the revolt, even though his failure in the field is consumed. The white paper provides for a severe brake on Jewish immigration and, in 10 years, a determination of Palestine as a whole, which inevitably will lead the Jews a minority in the Arab state. This is a reversal in depth the policy since 1917 was to support the Zionist movement to control this part of the Middle East. Clearly, the British government came to the conclusion that this policy creates more problems than it solves, and it comes closer to Arab nationalists.

The Great Arab Revolt was thus able to cause the rupture between Zionism and British rule. Relations remain tense up when the independence of Israel , which will be achieved through a policy of confrontation with the British Empire, and not through a policy of cooperation.

The emergence of the Irgun

A logo of the Irgun: a gun waved in front of a map of the territories claimed by the organization: the current Israel , Palestinian territories, as well as Jordan.

After the Arab riots of 1929-1930, a debate has emerged within the Haganah and its political leadership (the Jewish Agency): should they remain in a defensive policy, or go on the offensive in engaging in retaliation against the rioters, even against the Arab population which supported them? The official position taken is that of maintaining a policy of restraint ("Havlagah") in the use of violence, refusing especially blind violence against Arab civilians. A group of activists from left and right, then founded the Haganah Beth (the Haganah "B"), at odds with the official bodies of Zionism and Havlagah. Beth Haganah (later National Haganah) is not a rightist organization, even if the revisionists are numerous. She will practice in a fairly weak.

After the outbreak of the Great Arab Revolt, some members of the organization (including the founder Avraham Tehomi) rather left, decided to join the Haganah to form a common front against the Arabs.

The organization becomes the Irgun Tzeva'i Leumi (National Military Organization), sometimes called IZL or Etzel. After the departure of the leftists, the Irgun was now clearly the party's revisionist military organization, even if it is in practice almost independent. Jabotinsky (the British were expelled from Palestine) is recognized as supreme leader. But it does not have operational responsibilities.

The Irgun specializes in reprisal operations against Arab militants, but also increasingly against Arab civilians at random. It uses practical methods similar to those of armed Arab groups, which also target Jewish civilians, which earned him criticism from official bodies in the Yishuv and the classification by the British as a terrorist organization. An estimated 200 to 250 Arab civilians are killed in operations of the Irgun during this period.

One of the biggest campaigns of the Irgun was conducted in 1938, after the execution by a British member of the Irgun (Ben Yosef). Jabotinsky ordered the Irgun "Invest Heavily (hit hard). The record is heavy reprisals :

• 5 Arabs killed July 4, 1938 in several attacks,
• July 6, two bombs placed in milk cans explode in the open market Arab Haifa. The crowd attacked the Jews, the police fired: 21 Jews and 6 Arabs were killed in the bombing and riots.
• A bomb kills 2 in the street Arabs in Jerusalem on July 6.
• A bomb placed in the street kills 3 Arabs in Jerusalem on July 8.
• A bomb placed in the souk of the old city of Jerusalem killed 10 Arabs July 15.
• A bomb planted in the Arab market in Haifa July 25, 1938 killed 45 people (British record - the Irgun think the British have reduced the balance to calm the Arab crowd. An internal investigation by the Irgun gave 70 dead).
• The last major bombing campaign of 1938 will be committed on August 26: A ton of dynamite exploded in the souk of Jaffa and killed 24 people.

In terms of security, we note that the bombing campaign of 1938 has increased the Arab reprisals, and the number of Jews killed during this period increased dramatically: 50 per month between July and October, as against 7 per month over the previous 9 months

In early 1939 , after a review of information on Palestinian politics in the United Kingdom (subsequently confirmed by the "White Paper"), the Irgun recovery actions. And killed 27 Arabs at random in the streets of Haifa, Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, 27 February 1939, leading the congratulations of Jabotinsky ("Your response to the events of victory of the enemies of the Jewish state has an effect enormous and positive "- Letter from Jabotinsky to David Ratziel , leader of the Irgun - Jabotinsky archives).

The political outcome of these actions seems to end rather negative. The use of violence against Arab civilians is widely condemned by the Yishuv, and isolates the nationalist right, Jabotinsky and the Irgun.

End of 1939, the Second World War led off the actions of the Irgun.

The Second World War (1939-1945)

La Seconde Guerre mondiale commence en septembre 1939, et se termine avec la dfaite de l' Allemagne nazie (en mai 1945 ) et du Japon (en aot 1945). compter de 1939 et plus encore de 1941, l'Allemagne nazie s'empare de vastes territoires peupls de millions de Juifs. partir de 1941-1942 commence un gnocide qui verra la mort de 5 6 millions de Juifs . La priode est donc critique pour le judasme mondial, et cette crise vient s'ajouter celle du sionisme partir du Livre Blanc de 1939.

Le choix du mufti

Rencontre avec Hitler en 1941.

La Grande Rvolte arabe avait dcapit le mouvement nationaliste arabe en Palestine, et contraint le Mufti l'exil. Priv de sa base palestinienne, il se cherche des allis. En 1941, Haj Amin al Husseini signe une alliance avec l'Axe, et plaide pour rsoudre le problme des Juifs au Moyen-Orient .

Rfugi en Allemagne nazie, il va lancer des appels (sans grand succs) aux musulmans du Moyen-Orient pour que ceux-ci se rallient l'Allemagne contre l'occupant britannique.

Mais la majorit de la population arabe palestinienne est sous le choc de la rpression, et est galement satisfaite du Livre Blanc de 1939. Elle ne bouge pas.

Le cessez-le-feu de l'Irgoun (1940)

En 1940 , l' Irgoun dcide que la situation en Europe est plus grave que celle du Foyer National Juif , et dcide d'arrter le conflit avec les Britanniques. L'Irgoun conclut un accord avec les Britanniques pour participer des actions offensives, en particulier dans le domaine du sabotage, et son chef David Ratziel sera tu au combat en 1941.

Jabotinsky a approuv l'accord. Il meurt d'une crise cardiaque aux .-U. le 4 aot 1940. Avec lui disparat le chef charismatique de la droite nationaliste sioniste.

La scission du groupe Stern (1940)

Avraham Stern

Le choix de la direction de l'Irgoun ne fait pas l'unanimit. Avraham ("Yair") Stern le conteste et considre au contraire que la menace de disparition du Foyer National Juif au bout de la priode de 10 ans prvue par les Britanniques est la plus grave. Il cre avec quelques nationalistes radicaux, comme Yitzhak Shamir , futur premier ministre d'Isral, un scission qu'il appelle d'abord Irgoun Tsvai Leumi beIsral , puis Lohamei Herut Isral ( ) ou Lehi. Les Britanniques l'appellent le Stern gang traduit en franais par groupe Stern. Cette scission se livre des attentats contre les Britanniques ou des Juifs collaborateurs et tente mme de prendre contact avec les Allemands, au nom de la diffrence entre le perscuteur (l'Allemagne), prfrable l'ennemi (les Britanniques qui empchent l'tat juif). Le Stern est finalement dmantel fin 1941 - dbut 1942, et entre en sommeil. Les responsables sont morts (Stern) ou en prison (Shamir).

Les choix du Yichouv collaboration et confrontation

img alt = "" src = "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a6/Jewish_Brigade_insignia.gif" width = "218" height = "217" class = "thumbimage" />

Insignia of the Jewish Brigade during WWII , recruited by the British in the Yishuv.

The Yishuv as a whole supports the choice of the Irgun and the Jewish Agency to participate in the war effort against the Nazi Germany. And this, as in solidarity with the Jews of Europe as fears of a Nazi troops arrived in Palestine in the event of German victory. Many Jews in the Yishuv will therefore commit British troops.

But at the same time, concern about the British proposal of a Palestinian state with Arab majority continues to strongly mobilize the Zionist leaders. These look increasingly to the United States, and sharpened against the British. In 1942, during the Zionist Congress of Biltmore, the United States , the Zionist movement officially announces that a Jewish state claims the whole of Palestine. The Arabs are citizens, but a minority with a mass Jewish immigration.

The resurgence of armed struggle (1943-1944)

Beginning in 1943, the imprisoned leaders of Lehi escape and reorganize the group. It now includes ultra-nationalist factions of partisan armed struggle. There are revisionist classic, extreme-right end of fascist sympathizers before the war, a radical leftist pro-Soviet (limited) and " Canaanite "movement who claims to nationalism" Hebrew "totally cut off from Judaism. The group quickly resumed its anti-British, but is widely condemned by the Yishuv.

On 6 November 1944, the Lehi assassinated the British Minister Resident Egypt , Lord Moyne. The two young activists Canaanite who committed the attack were sentenced to death and executed by the Egyptian judiciary.

In February 1944 , the Irgun believes that war is now won by the allies, and the problem becomes priority the British project against the "Jewish National Home." He takes in turn the armed actions against the British. The Irgun also has a new leader since 1943: Menachem Begin , who came from Poland. After the death of Vladimir Jabotinsky in 1940, he became progressively as the natural leader of the nationalist right.

The collapse of the international mandate (1945-1947)

Two British sergeants, Clifford Martin and Marvin Paice, captured by the Irgun and hanged, 1947.

After the defeat of Nazi Germany, two issues become a priority for the Zionist movement:

• the issue of Jewish refugees from Europe, survivors of genocide , many of whom want to leave Europe.
• The issue of creating a Jewish state in Palestine.

The Zionist Executive into confrontation with the British between 1945 and 1947. It also uses the Haganah , but he favors legal action (demonstrations, strikes), and limits its armed actions to sabotage who want non-lethal. The attitude vis--vis those who are officially regarded as terrorists moving between moments of confrontation ("season") and moments of alliance. But overall, the bloody nature of their action is doomed. At the same time, political contacts are maintained.

In 1946-1947, the political pressure grows on the United Kingdom:

• Jewish Palestine was ungovernable, despite the deployment of 100,000 British soldiers.
• Arabs criticize the United Kingdom.
• The policy of restricting Jewish immigration leads to illegal imprisonment of thousands of genocide survivors, causing a wave of sympathy in world opinion, especially in the United States and France.
• Anti-Semitic disturbances occur in the United Kingdom in response to the many British soldiers killed by the Irgun and the Stern Gang ( Lehi ): there will be 338 British killed between 1944 and 1948.
• The British public can not stand, two years after the war ended, to see 100,000 soldiers risking their lives away from home.

In 1947 , the United Kingdom decided to postpone the mandate he had from the League of the United Nations, which is the successor. It seems that the British government hoped to get more international support for its role in Palestine, but the UN decides to terminate the mandate.

Sharing 1947

The partition plan of the UN

The UN decided to return to the Peel Commission proposed in 1937 by sharing Palestine. The Jews are allocated 55% of the territory (more than in the draft Peel). Jerusalem becomes an international zone. The Arabs are given the balance (a little over 40% of the territory) ^{The mandate period (1920-1947) - Summary}

This period saw the construction of the Jewish national home. The independent state does not exist, but an autonomous structure which has almost all the attributes was established.

Demographically, the Jewish population has exploded from 85,000 people in 1919 to 650 000. But the Jewish population remains at 80% Ashkenazi , and does so imperfectly diversity of world Jewry. Importantly, this population still represents a third of the total population of Palestine.

Politically, the clashes between right and left have considerably strained, but did not reach the breakdown and civil war. They oppose "realistic" accepting (reluctantly) a territorial partition, nationalist hardliners demanding all Palestine over Transjordan (now Jordan ).

Zionism after the establishment of Israel - 1948-2005

Before 1948 (less and less over the years, though), Zionism was an international structure, and the Zionist American and French did not normally carry less weight than the Zionists living in Palestine.
But after 1948, the State of Israel claims a dominant role. The Zionist organizations lose their weight, discussions are concentrated mainly on supporting Israel.
In practice, the three issues of this article (Institutional Buildings Zionist demographic construction of the Jewish state and debates on the goals of Zionism) are almost exclusively Israeli.

This part does not, however, describe the history of the State of Israel. She is only interested in the evolving debate and practice after the establishment of the Zionist state. Israeli historical facts are cited in this context.

The problem of the period remains the same as in the period 1918-1947: building national institutions (or rather strengthen them), and develop the Jewish settlement. Implementations are different cons, and debates on these issues evolve.

Consolidation of the State 1948-1967

Army

The flag of Israel

After independence, Arab armies from Lebanon, Transjordan, Egypt, Iraq and Syria come to Israel. The disproportion of forces is not as important as it seems. The Haganah aligns 20 000 men, the Irgun and the 4000 Stern Group 1000. Arab armies align this date about 25 000. They have no central command, and can not move troops from one front to another to concentrate. They have a better cons by heavy weaponry. (See Arab-Israeli war of 1948 )

Ben-Gurion became Prime Minister, holds the IDF , by merging the Haganah, the Irgun and the Stern Gang into a single army. He even take on the militants of the Irgun in the summer of 1948, when they are trying to procure arms for themselves. There are 18 dead 16 members of the Irgun and two IDF soldiers.

Heavy weapons are smuggled (there is an embargo on deliveries of arms to belligerents). The sources are numerous, but the principal will be the Soviet Union , which wants the defeat of Arab armies, allied with France and especially the United Kingdom.

In the summer of 1948, the Israeli army is well structured, properly armed, and responds to the Arab offensive. The Arab armies were defeated and must sign a cease-fire. But all Arab states remain formally at war against Israel and promised revenge.

Until 1967, the Israeli army will not therefore cease to grow, becoming the first army in the region. To offset the numerical inferiority, two solutions were adopted:

• a system of conscription extremely broad: every citizen is a military service and military periods of several weeks (depending on the period) each year. He is fully trained and mobilized at any time.
• the choice of a lot of firepower by adopting high-tech weapons (particularly tanks and aircraft).

Boundaries

Israel's borders after independence

The consolidation also means that the borders. Completed in March 1949, the definition of Israeli territory is advantageous over the partition plan: 77% of the territory of Mandatory Palestine (21,000 sq km) against 55% under the partition plan. The UN does not condemn or approve this amendment arose from the war. In practice, the major powers agree.

But the Israeli attitude after independence has serious implications for the future: Ben Gurion and the Arab leaders refused to set boundaries. Ben-Gurion clearly indicates that these can be expanded depending on the situation, to extend to the borders of Mandatory Palestine, Eretz Israel , which law belongs to the Jews. The position is both pragmatic: the borders of 1949 are accepted as is, and the maximum potential: in principle, 27% remained outside Israel should return to him.

The departure of the Arabs

Palestinian refugees in 1948 during the British Mandate.

During the creation of the state, the Arabs of Mandatory Palestine are almost twice as likely as Jews, even if the proportion is less unfavorable to the Jews in the 77% of Mandatory Palestine which Israel captured during the war independence. The demographic issue is at the heart of the problem of the existence of the Jewish state. Ben-Gurion's response is twofold: the sharing and deportation.

• Even if he thinks that all of Eretz Israel belongs to Jews, Ben-Gurion also accept the 1949 borders of Israel because they exclude the broad masses of the Arab West Bank (Judea and Samaria for the Zionists) and Gaza.
• But in the 1949 borders, home to about 800 to 900,000 Arabs, it is clear that keeping the Arab population is not acceptable for the government. During or immediately after the fighting, 600 to 700 000 to leave the territory of Israel. They denounced the expulsion, the government says they left voluntarily, but they can not come back.

From a historical perspective, the debate is almost closed since the Israeli historian Benny Morris in 1987 published "The Birth of the Palestinian refugee problem, as revised in 2003 (The Birth Of The Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited) in light of recently declassified archives of the IDF. He worked village by village, and showed that there were four types of departures:

• before the arrival of Israeli troops. It is the fear of fighting or massacres, which then pushes the start. The Deir Yassin Massacre (Palestinian village whose population was massacred by militants of the Irgun and Lehi in 1948) seems to have played an important role, which explains in his memoirs, Menachem Begin , former head of Irgun, considers the consequences of the massacre as a "decisive victory" .
• during the fighting. Benny Morris shows (through interviews with former soldiers) that in some cases (but not in most cases), these battles were in fact fictitious and intended to scare Arab civilians: the bombing of undefended towns, by example.
• after the arrival of Israeli troops. There will be numerous evictions, people being loaded into trucks and driven to the border.
• in some cases (6 villages), the departures are due to the Arab leaders themselves.

Departures are made of a differentiated way: evictions, leaks before the approach of fighting, evacuations, voluntary and organized.

In the end, Benny Morris says there has been no official policy set by the government, but a broad consensus of military and civilian decision-makers from up to Arabs, and especially to prevent them from returning. The unstructured aspect of this policy explains the maintenance of Arab blocs in Galilee or Haifa (where the mayor has encouraged the Arab population to remain). The case of the area known as the "triangle" (north-east of Tel Aviv), a major Arab concentrations, is a special area has been obtained by negotiations in 1949 without fighting, and guarantees against evictions there were been given .

In 1948 , there are approximately 150,000 Arabs in Israel.

Consistent policy of Israeli governments, from 1949 to today, will prohibit any return of refugees and displaced persons.

Colonization of the former Arab lands

With the creation of Israel, the Jewish areas were basically small areas: the narrow coastal strip, West Jerusalem, the Jezreel Valley and the upper valley of the Jordan ( Safed and Tiberias ).

The expansion of Jewish settlements will be a strategic priority of Israel until today often presented as a "duty Zionist." For this, the land left by the departure / expulsion of Palestinian Arabs has significant potential. The lands of "absent" are confiscated, and new cities are created, as well as kibbutzim or moshavim.

To increase available land for Jews, many Arab lands left behind are also confiscated and redistributed, creating significant conflict with the Israeli Arab population.

The desert of Negev (over 50% of Israeli territory) is also colonized. But its extreme aridity limits the possibilities. So especially the north ( Beer-Sheva and Dimona ) and south ( Eilat ), which are populated.

Mass immigration

Jewish immigration to Israel from 1948 to 2007.

The goal of Zionism is sure to bring a maximum of Jews in Israel.

From 1948 to 1967, there will be two major waves of immigration. As ever in the history of Zionism, these waves are related to serious problems in countries of origin.

From 1948 to 1952, nearly 700,000 Jews arrive. The state population doubles. There are two origins to this immigration:

• About half is made up of survivors of the Jewish genocide in Europe. They are almost all Ashkenazi (Sephardic exist in the Balkans and Western Europe, however).
• The other half comes from the Arab countries especially the Iraq , the Yemen , the Syria , the Lebanon and Egypt. They do not really come by Zionism in the political sense of the term: Zionist organizations to exist, but their influence is often limited. They come mostly from religious messianism, and because the situation with the people and local governments has deteriorated dramatically following the Arab-Israeli war of 1947-1949. There are anti-Jewish riots, or at least a sense of hostility in many Arab countries.
• We finally found among immigrants from smaller groups such as small communities of Jews, Indian or Afghan.

The integration of these enormous masses is an important problem Zionist: Jewish state must prove he can pass the "ingathering of the exiles." And anyway it's a condition of survival for Israel to increase its Jewish population.

The arrivals for some, especially among Europeans, trained "modern" and can more easily integrate into an industrial economy. Others, especially in eastern, have very low levels of training, and will suffer a long-standing problem of unemployment or under-qualified jobs. We must also teach Hebrew at all, finding them housing and work. Tented camps ( ma'abarot ), who will become cities, are formed in a hurry. Villages are established on agricultural land emptied of their Arab population. But Israel is going through a very difficult economic times during this first wave of arrivals, and the living conditions of those are hard.

A second wave of 500 000 people arrived between 1956 and 1966. It consists of a minority of Western Europe from leaving the communist East, and a majority of Oriental Jews. They are fleeing a new wave of anti-Jewish related to the Arab-Israeli war of 1956. 250 000 North African Jews (about half of Jews in that region) also come from Maghreb French after the independence of Tunisia , from Morocco and the Algeria. Jews most Anglicized (generally more educated) went to France. Anglicized Jews the least (usually poorer and less educated) chose Israel. Among them, the Moroccans are particularly numerous.

Frustrations Sephardic

The integration of Western Jews has not always been easy, but was ultimately successful. The integration of Eastern Jews was much more problematic, for two main reasons:

• a very low level of education, which restricts immigrant populations in low-skilled and poorly paid. Israel even dominated by socialist parties, fails dramatically to the problem of poverty among Sephardim , who are quite widely at the door of economic modernity.
• The perception of the elite Zionist Sephardim. This is of European origin. It does almost nothing culturally in common with the Oriental Jews, if not the feeling of being Jewish. Even religion is only partly a factor of integration: the Ashkenazi are not very religious, some even aggressively secular. Note some contempt, or at least a complete lack of understanding. The fear of "levantinisation (orientalization) Israel is openly discussed by leaders of the Zionist left. The Sephardim were in fact 20% of Jews in Palestine in 1947. Their immigration and high birth rate makes them potentially a majority in the 1960s.

Although membership in Israel will never challenged by the Oriental Jews, they retain a memory of the period of humiliation and misery, which will eventually return against those responsible they will: socialist leaders. From the 1970s, the Sephardim are the foundation of the electoral right in Israel.

Western Alignment

The period 1948-1967 was marked by the Cold War. Some fear at the beginning (the U.S. State Department, for example) that the orientation of the left of the State of Israel takes on pro-Soviet positions. In fact, pro-Soviet tendencies exist in the Zionist left ( Mapam , in particular).

But Ben-Gurion made the choice quickly from the west, which degrades the relationship with the former Soviet ally. The emigration of Jews from Eastern Europe becomes more difficult.

At the time (especially in the 1950s), France appears, more than the U.S., as the great ally of Israel.

Period 1948-1967: Synthesis

During this period, the state has created, developed a strong army, has attracted many immigrants, has witnessed the rise of a modern industrial economy, has consolidated its democracy and increased points of Jewish people throughout the country.

So this is a period marked by many institutional and demographic success. But points are not resolved:

• poor integration of Sephardim.
• maintaining a state of war with Arab countries and the threat of annihilation so enduring.
• border issues, challenged (fairly theoretical) by the Israeli government itself, and much more aggressive by the Herut of Menachem Begin. It has reorganized behind the revisionist Jabotinsky , and has slowly strengthened, particularly by attracting towards him the Liberals, Labour's old allies, but tired of their hegemony. He also began to attract Sephardic disappointed by Labor's policy towards them.

The question of a Greater Israel since 1967

This period is marked by increasing polarization on the issue of "Greater Israel", and a shift to the right of the Israeli population.

Both the previous period (1948-1967) was marked by demographic issues (the "Zionism facts" that the "ingathering of the exiles"), as the new period will largely revolve around the question of boundaries and religion and therefore the objectives of Zionism.

Immigration continued significantly, but if it is still an important debate and the Zionist practice, it is not the center of conflict between Zionists who harden.

War of 1967

In 1967, Egypt and Syria massed troops at the border, and announce their desire to wipe Israel off the map. Israelis launch a preemptive attack and invade the Sinai Peninsula of Egypt and the Syrian Golan Heights. Jordan then attacked Israel, but is defeated in turn. In six days, Israel defeated three Arab armies and double the size of the territory under its control by seizing the Sinai and the Golan, and 27% of Mandatory Palestine that had escaped to Israel in 1948-1949. After fear, excitement is indescribable, at the height of relief.

The question that arises is to Zionism what to do with conquered territories?

Greater Israel and Greater Israel secure religious

Menachem Begin , leader of the Likud Party and a supporter of Greater Israel.

Avraham Shapira , a leading religious Zionist rabbi, said that contrary to Halacha any abandonment of a portion of the land of Israel.

At right, the position is unanimous: we must keep everything, especially the portions "liberated" Eretz Israel (the Golan and Sinai are symbolically less important).

But from that time, there are two currents that gradually diverge.

The first stream is a religious movement. He is from the current religious-Zionist organizing we saw earlier in the century within the National Religious Party. For this current, originally moderate victory is a sign: that God gave victory to His people. It now has the duty of Judaizing all of Eretz Israel. This is not only a right but a duty. And it must allow the Jewish people to obey God, to attain salvation, and obtain the Messiah. This religious discourse has also influenced the ultra-Orthodox , theoretically non-Zionists. Without officially join Zionism (too political and not religious enough according to them), they show a growing interest in the religious side of the discourse of Greater Israel. The religious Zionism in the post-1967 becomes more powerful, more activist, more to the right.
It passes in 1977 an alliance with Labour in an alliance with Likud. He dashes from the 1970s (especially the faction "young" and more radical) in an intensive settlement activity, sometimes illegally, through groups of militants, like those of the whole body of the faith "( Gush Emunim ). Currents extremists on the fringes of the National Religious Party appear, some are tempted by violence (such as Kach ).

The second stream attached to the Greater Israel is a historical and current more secure. It is embodied especially in the Likud. For him, Eretz Israel belongs to Jews (in this he differs little from the left) and keep all the Land of Israel is in the interest of the people of Israel. The confrontation with the Arabs requires having the most territory possible.

For the first stream, Eretz Israel is a right and an obligation imposed by God.
For the second stream, Eretz Israel is a right and a benefit.

These two trends emerge stronger from the very war of 1967. The idea of making the land of Israel to the Arabs goes wrong in the population.

In 1977, the Likud of Menachem Begin came to power in alliance with the religious nationalists. The Likud was formed in 1973 by the unification of the Herut (from the Revisionist movement and the Irgun ) and the Liberals. The ideological basis of this merger is in fact one of the Herut. The proposed annexation of the Jordan , championed since the 1920s, was abandoned, but the annexation of West Bank and Gaza Strip is required as a duty Zionist.

Christian Zionism

There are Christian groups in favor of Zionism. But there is also a specific Protestant fundamentalist movement called " Christian Zionism ". This current of thought, the powerful United States , goes beyond sympathy for Zionism. His vision is messianic: the Judaizing the Holy Land is a biblical commandment that should allow the return of Jesus and the conversion of mankind.

This trend has also benefited from the Israeli victory in 1967, and has put its growing influence in favor of the Jewish colonization of Palestinian territories.

Although the goal of "Christian Zionists" is not the same as the Zionist Jews (as it involves the term conversion thereof), this thinking is a strong support to the Zionists in the most radical of "Greater Israel" (Israel within its biblical borders, including the Palestinian territories). It partly explains the very passive attitude of the U.S. government (at least Republicans , which influences certain elected officials) against the Israeli settlement and the theme of Greater Israel.

Refusal of Greater Israel by the left

At left, the victory of 1967 is problematic. Since the program Biltmore in 1942, left the project was a Jewish state on all of Palestine. The project was shelved after the partition plan of 1947, but the refusal to recognize the 1949 borders as final the now official.

After 1967 , the Left wonders what she should do. A minority still loyal to Greater Israel. La grande majorit adopte une position qui ne variera plus beaucoup dans ses principes, mais qui donnera lieu d'innombrables interprtations. Ces principes sont:

• Isral doit rester un tat juif et il n'est pas question de donner la nationalit isralienne des Palestiniens nombreux et en explosion dmographique (les Arabes sont officiellement devenus plus nombreux que les Juifs sur le territoire de l'ancienne Palestine mandataire en 2005).
• Isral doit rester un tat dmocratique, et on ne peut pas mettre en place un systme d' apartheid refusant la nationalit une partie de la population sur des bases ethniques.
• Eretz Isral est en droit la proprit du peuple juif. Il a le droit de tout prendre, mais la volont de maintenir un tat juif ET dmocratique ne le permet pas : Isral doit annexer toutes les terres possibles (celles peu ou pas peuples d'Arabes), et rendre le reste en cas d'accord de paix. Peu aprs la guerre, le projet prsent par Ygal Allon prvoit ainsi l'annexion de 30% de la Cisjordanie.

La droite condamne cette position.

La colonisation

Cartes des colonies israliennes en Cisjordanie ( Jude-Samarie ).

La gauche au gouvernement a cr des implantations juives dans les territoires occups ds 1968. Elle cible des zones avec de faibles populations palestiniennes, qui sont destines tre annexes selon le plan Allon. Ces implantations restent cependant peu nombreuses.

On voit aussi apparatre, ds la premire moiti des annes 1970, des colonies illgales, souvent organises par le courant nationaliste religieux (mais pas forcment par le PNR lui-mme). Cette politique d'implantations illgales reste trs rpandue jusqu'en 2005 chez les militants du Grand Isral, face des autorits souvent passives.

Aprs 1977 et son arrive au pouvoir, la droite se lance dans un programme beaucoup plus ambitieux : 50 000 colons en 1987, avant la premire Intifada , 100 000 colons en 1993, avant les accords d'Oslo , 200 000 colons en 2000 avant la seconde Intifada , 245 000 fin 2005. Les zones fortement peuples de Palestiniens sont galement vises, pas seulement les zones vides. Les terres palestiniennes sont largement confisques, pour construire des colonies, des routes, des postes militaires, ou simplement pour viter les constructions arabes.

Deux grands types de colonies apparaissent :

• les grands blocs de colonies: fortement peupls, gnralement assez prs des frontires de 1949 (rebaptises frontires de 1967 ou ligne verte ). Elles sont peuples de banlieusards de Tel-Aviv ou de Jrusalem, gnralement plutt droite, mais rarement extrmistes.
• Les petites colonies idologiques, dans la profondeur des territoires palestiniens. Elles sont gnralement peuples de colons trs idologiques, souvent du courant nationaliste religieux, de plus en plus radicaux.

ces colonies, il faut ajouter les quartiers juifs de Jrusalem-Est. Aprs 1967, Isral a runifi Jrusalem, contre le gr des habitants de la partie arabe. Des quartiers juifs se sont construits dans les zones non-peuples. Ils comptent en 2005 environ 200.000 habitants juifs.

Il est noter que du point de vue de l'ONU, les territoires de Cisjordanie , Gaza, Jrusalem-Est et du Golan sont des "territoires occups", et donc soumis la convention de Genve , qui interdit toute implantation de populations conqurantes. De plus, la fin du conflit, ils doivent tre vacus, puisque l'article 35 de la charte des Nations unies interdit toute conqute par la force.

Pour les mouvements sionistes, gauche et droite confondues (surtout pour la droite), il s'agit de territoires sur lesquels les Juifs ont un droit historique (voire religieux). La convention de Genve et la charte des Nations unies ne s'appliquent donc pas. Des annexions sont possibles, ainsi que la colonisation.

On note aussi une petite colonisation dans le Sina gyptien ( Yamit ). Mais le Sina est restitu par le gouvernement Begin entre 1979 et 1982 aprs les accords de Washington (mars 1979). La restitution du Sina , qui n'est gnralement pas considr comme faisant partie de Eretz Isral (il ya des avis contraires), a soulev des rprobations modres.

On note enfin une colonisation du plateau du Golan, pris aux Syriens en 1967. La justification de cette colonisation est essentiellement scuritaire, sans forte valeur historique ou religieuse. Le Golan n'est gnralement pas considr non plus comme faisant partie de Eretz Isral.

Immigrations russe, thiopienne et occidentales

Voir le tableau de l'immigration juive aprs 1948.

Comme pendant les priodes prcdentes, des vagues d'immigrants viennent en Isral. Comme prcdemment, ces vagues sont majoritairement lies aux problmes en Diaspora.

Une aliyah a lieu en 1967-1968. Elle est relativement peu importante. Elle concerne les derniers Juifs arabes et polonais ch asses the atmosphere "Zionist" after the 1967 war. It also relates to a few thousand Westerners (Americans, British and French, especially) who trembled for Israel during the war.

Take an aliyah 400,000 Jews in the 1970s. They come mainly from Russia, following negotiations between the U.S. and the USSR. This aliyah is accompanied by a more restricted immigration, but ideologically very active: the religious nationalists of the extreme right, often American, who moved frequently in the colonies "ideological."

In 1982-1985, this is the first immigration of Ethiopian Jews ( Falasha ).

In the 1990s, a last wave brings a million Jews (or "half-Jews") of the former USSR after the collapse of the latter. It is accompanied by an influx of Jews from Ethiopia, and always a little immigration from Western countries, rather dominated by religious nationalists motivated. It is the largest wave of immigration of the history of Israel. However, integration has gone much better than in the massive waves of Israel's creation: the economy was much stronger and much better educated population (except the Ethiopian immigration).

In 2005, the estimated Jewish population of Eretz Israel, including settlers, comprises just under 5.3 million Jews (estimate: CIA World Factbook).

First Intifada

In December 1987, the first Intifada, or uprising began stones. Three developments provoke:

• The development of Palestinian nationalism, in full revival for twenty years.
• The level of education of young Palestinians, a sharp increase, which facilitates a high degree of politicization.
• Feeling like a stranger in his own land, feeling accelerated by the rapid colonization of the West Bank (Judea and Samaria to the Zionists).

The weapons are excluded by the Palestinian leadership, and in 1988 for the first time, the PLO recognizes the right of existence of Israel. The Palestinian political violence , however, reappears in the early 1990s, as a result of the Islamist organizations that reject evolution "realistic" majority of Palestinian nationalism.

The uprising depleted around 1992 because of Israeli repression, which is about 1000 dead, tens of thousands of detentions without trial), but he has produced several consequences:

• development of Palestinian nationalism;
• realistic evolution of nationalism in favor of sharing the old Palestine Mandate , based on the borders of 1949 (or 1967, depending on their new name);
• appearance in response to radical groups ( Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad );
• awareness of some Israelis that the Arab population and a growing nationalism makes it difficult to Greater Israel and even maintaining the status quo.

The Oslo Accords

In 1992, the left returns to power under the leadership of Yitzhak Rabin. In the summer of 1993, the government recognizes the PLO. In early 1994, the Oslo accords were signed. They include:

• Recognition of Israel by the Palestinians.
• Recognition of the PLO (but not a Palestinian state) by the Israelis.
• The opening of negotiations on final borders by 1996.
• The implementation of a final status (undefined) in 1999.
• In the meantime, both parties undertake not to take unilateral decisions. For Israelis, it is to prevent the proclamation of an independent Palestinian state. For Palestinians, this is to stop the settlements, unilateral act par excellence.
• In the meantime, the Israelis also undertake to establish an autonomy regime in the occupied territories.

The Palestinians agreed to negotiations on borders. Implicitly, they give more or less at the borders of 1949-1967. That, and the recognition of Israel itself, is unacceptable to the Islamists.

The Israelis give up in exchange to Greater Israel. From the perspective of the left, this concession is small: it is unofficially abandoned since 1947. From the perspective of the right is unacceptable.

In late 1995, Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated by a religious Zionist radical (condemned by the NRP). Islamists commit a wave of suicide bombings in March 1996 (sixty dead). Weakened by two strokes, the left lost the elections and the right ( Benjamin Netanyahu ) returns to power in the name of Greater Israel. However, the new power does not negate the Oslo Accords. He interpreted narrowly, but he accepts anyway to evacuate part of Hebron. You can read the beginning of the Palestinian national acceptance of the fact.

Second Intifada

The left returned to power in 1999. It is however a year to start negotiations with the Palestinians (Summer 2000). These begin in a broad lack of confidence.

• the Israeli side, there is the slow development of indiscriminate attacks Islamists. The Palestinian autonomous authority created by the Oslo accords do not quite harshly represses the violence (there are arrests, but often followed by release).
• On the Palestinian side, we see that the promise of autonomy followed by a relatively low effect: 7% of the West is only in full autonomy, and 60% of the Gaza Strip. You have to add 35% of the West Bank under Israeli military occupation but with a Palestinian civil administration. Colonization was massive: the Oslo Accords are the heaviest period of colonization since the war of 1967 (100 000 additional settlers). And the final negotiations that were committed in 1996 four years late.

In fact, the negotiation fails. Israelis ( Ehud Barak ) have called for the annexation of 10-12% of the West Bank and Arab East Jerusalem. The Palestinians refused. (See Summit at Camp David II and Taba Summit ).

In September 2000, Palestinian demonstrations beginning in Jerusalem and then spread. Dozens of Palestinians were killed by the army. Palestinian groups who rejected the violence since 1987 (roughly the PLO ) decided to return to armed struggle and join the radical Islamists. The left government fell late January 2001 and the right returns to power ( Ariel Sharon ).

From 2000 to 2005, 1,000 Israelis and Palestinians die 4000.

The second intifada is the product of a Palestinian statement: Left or Right, Israelis believe that all of Eretz Israel belongs to Jews. The desire to deal with the Palestinians will not prevent annexation Maximum little or territories inhabited by Palestinians to the left, all to the right. In one case as in the other, it is not acceptable to the Palestinians, even moderate. They want to accept the boundaries of 1949-1967, but no new annexations (or only marginal).

The debate between Zionists, opened in 1922 by the posting of Transjordan, has not changed much: if Eretz Israel is a Jewish property right (there is agreement on this point) that should be taken, and what should be yield?

Reversal demographic

Beyond questions of borders, growth of the Palestinian people continues. The Palestinians have one of the highest population growth in the world.

In 2005, there are about 5,235,000 Jews in the territory of the former Mandatory Palestine, and nearly as many Arabs. They would even become a slight majority in 2005. And must be added the many Palestinians in the diaspora.

The problem of the Zionist left the Arab demographic threat, posed in 1967 (and 1947) is required at all: how to remain a state both Jewish and democratic state with an Arab majority?

Reversal policy

Ariel Sharon

the "security wall" - route approved in February 2005 but may change

To this is added a new question for part of the Zionist right: if the claim of Greater Israel is a much safer, the first and second Intifada just show that having a high proportion of Arabs in the Israeli population poses makes it a serious security problem.

Begun in the 1990s in the right (quite discreetly) by Ariel Sharon, however, champion of colonization and Greater Israel, the debate becomes more acute with the second intifada.

By 2002, construction of a " security fence against terrorism by the Sharon government shows an evolution: the "security wall" does (in the course of 2005) that 7.5% of the West. It separates the major blocs of Jewish settlements from Palestinian populated areas. In fact, there is a waiver of Greater Israel. Criticized by the Palestinians, who see this as a partial annexation, it is also by settlers (especially those of settlements "ideological", often outside the "wall"), who see the complete waiver of the annexation of West Bank.

One answer to the right "hard" to pressure Palestinian population will provide a "transfer" of Arabs to the Arab neighbors. Driven by political forces marginal (as Moledet ), this theme regularly meets 50% approval rating in the polls (see Elon Peace Plan ). But it appears to be unacceptable both for part of the Israeli population and the international community, leading U.S. ally. This solution will never be investigated by an Israeli government.

In 2003, Ariel Sharon announced a unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip , conducted in summer 2005. Again, the opposition of the settlers (especially those of the religious Zionist stream) is massive (but no real violence). See disengagement plan from the occupied territories

The official justification for the wall and the withdrawal is actually that of the left: the majority Arab population and represents a danger safe too important. We need to separate Jews from Arabs. But as Eretz Israel rightfully belongs to the Jews, what can (or must, depending on your point of view) should be taken to be (the area enclosed by the "wall" or even a little). The Acting Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said as Tuesday, January 24, 2006 (Haaretz) "The Choice Between Allowing Jews to live in all shares of the Land of Israel and living in a state With A Jewish Majority mandates giving up shares of the Land of Israel - the choice between allowing Jews to live in all parts of Eretz Israel, and live in a state with a Jewish majority, prompting us to make portions of the Land of Israel ").

This is not a revolution in the analysis: the Zionist left has been saying for a long time. But it's a revolution right, a right created in 1925 for refusing a first division, with that of Trans Jordan. This burst into the open the conflict between supporters of a Greater Israel safe, for which the Greater Israel is in the interests of the Jewish people (so we can give it up if it is in the interest of Zionism) and religious Zionists, became very active, which is a divine order.

Even those opposed to Sharon within the Likud (except the current religious nationalist Likud, because there is one, outside of the NRP) to accept the waiver Greater Israel. And Benjamin Netanyahu, leader of the "hard" Likud in 2005 proposes a Palestinian state on 40% of the West. It's the end of Greater Israel. The consensus is now very wide among Israelis.

In late 2005, the Likud broke. The "centrists", who advocated separation from the Palestinians, leaving the party and formed Kadima (behind Prime Minister Ariel Sharon ). After a severe stroke of Ariel Sharon (January 2006), Ehud Olmert , his chief lieutenant, succeeded him as head of the party as interim prime minister on the eve of Israeli elections of 2006.

But the border issue is not resolved. Moderate Palestinians continue to demand the borders of 1949-1967, with just accommodations. The Israelis, even moderates, refused to evacuate the large settlement blocs.

History of Zionism: synthesis

Zionism has a particular character in the political history of the twentieth ^century. Nationalism as an ideology, it has many features in common with other nationalisms, especially in Europe, the continent of origin.

But nationalism is also the only known where a population without territory, without a unified culture, no common language spoken and without a state has adopted these 4 classic attributes of the modern nation-state. It is the product of a sense of common identity, but also a political will and collective discipline amazing.

Zionism is an ideology remained a small minority until around 1920. From 1920 to 1948, it became an ideology leading figure among Jewish minorities, along with a proto-state affirmed on the ground and gave credibility to the project. Finally, it has become a hegemonic ideology in these communities after the Jewish Holocaust and the creation of the state.

Zionism has been a partial failure, however: despite its voluntarism and its hegemony, it's never really managed to attract Jews from Western countries. It remained tied at 90% to an emigration of leakage. It has mobilized a portion of it, but little emigration of pure choice.

Zionism has also met with the discussion of "territoralistes" at the dawn of the twentieth ^century, a definitional problem that has not completely solved: Zionism is there to create a state for Jews, or is there to "liberate" all the promised land? Today, population pressure and secure the Palestinian population has become such a broad consensus has been established (not always tell) on the first definition. But the border issue remains unresolved, and both left and right (more right), one wishes that the "separation" from the Palestinians to leave Israel borders the broadest possible.

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• Georges Bensoussan , A History of the intellectual and political Zionism, Fayard, 2001
• Denis Charbit , Zionism: basic texts, Albin Michel, 1998
• Jacques Halbronn , Zionism and its manifestations at the turn of the twentieth century, Preface Herv Gabrion, Feyzin, Ed Ramkat, 2002

References

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