David Ben Gourion

David Ben Gurion -
1 st and 3 rd Israeli Prime Minister
David Ben Gurion, 19 January 1949
Currently serving
Mandates
14 May 1948 - 26 January 1954
Since 14 May 1948
3 November 1955 - 26 June 1963
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Elected (e)
Party	Labor Party
Predecessor	-
Successor	Moshe Sharett
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Moshe Sharett David Ben Gurion - Levi Eshkol
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Other functions
Biography
Birth name	{{{Name}}} Birth
Birth	16 October 1886
	Posk Poland
Deaths	1 December 1973 (87 years)
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Nationality	Israeli
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David Ben Gurion (in Hebrew : - ) (born David Grn) ( 16 October 1886 - ¹ December 1973 ) is a politician , a militant Zionist and first Prime Minister of Israel between 1948 and 1953 and between 1955 and 1963.

Ben Gurion was a founder of the Israeli Labour Party (then called Mapai ), which ruled the Yishuv before the creation of Israel , then the new country during the first three decades of its existence.

David Ben-Gurion was born in Posk in Poland into a family Zionist (his father, a professor of Hebrew, was a member of the Lovers of Zion ).

At 17, he joined an association Poale mission , even before the official birth of the Marxist Zionist party.

Life in Ottoman Palestine (1906 -1915)

An ardent Zionist , David Ben Gurion immigrated ( Aliyah ) in Palestine in 1906.

He first worked in the orange groves and vineyards of the Jewish farms established in the 1880s by the Zionists of the 1 ^stAliyah. He also keeps in Galilee (with Hashomer , the first Jewish militia). He lives in poverty, sometimes in the grip of malaria. He even says that his modest work, and especially the frequent unemployment, had made him hungry. This does not prevent him to refuse any financial help from his family.

It was at the time he joined the Central Committee Poale session.

In 1910 , he became a reporter at the party in Jerusalem and adopt its Hebrew name Ben-Gurion, the name of a resistance against the Romans in the Jewish War Flavius Josephus described.

In 1912 , he began studying law at the University of Istanbul , capital of the Ottoman Empire , the power manager of Palestine. This included build relationships with future Ottoman elite, to make it more favorable to the Zionist project.

In 1914 , the First World War broke out. Ben Gurion, true to its strategy of alliance with Turkey, advocates an attitude of loyalty from the Yishuv vis--vis the Ottoman Empire. But Russia, which Ben-Gurion was still formally a citizen goes to war against the Ottoman Empire. David Ben Gurion, as nearly 30,000 other Jews of Palestine (about 85,000) should leave Palestine (in 1915 ). He took refuge in the same year the USA.

He continues initially refusing to support militarily the Western Allies against the Ottomans. But the evolution of the war, and better position the UK vis--vis Zionism ( Balfour Declaration ), have finally evolved. In 1917 , he married Paula , then enlisted in the Jewish units is that the British army for the war in Palestine. It is therefore in Palestine in 1918 , the ranks of the British army in the regiment sometimes called " Jewish Legion "(more exactly in ^the 39th Battalion Royal Fusiliers).

Life in Mandate Palestine (1918 - 1948)

Creating Achdut Ha'avoda (1919)

In 1919 , Ben Gurion participated in the creation of Achdut Ha'avoda ("labor union"), the Marxist Zionist party that succeeds Poale session. It is rather the right wing (Reform) of the party. The left wing, designated as "group of Rostov, was gradually marginalized.

The Socialist Unity (1920 - 1930)

In 1921 , Ben Gurion was elected secretary general of the Histadrut (General Association of Workers of Eretz Israel "). The union, founded in 1920 , and includes mainly militants of various factions of Zionist left.

The leadership of Ben Gurion is recognized as effective, but sometimes authoritarian. At the head of the Histadrut, he focuses on several approaches:

• Economic development. The Histadrut is a classic union, which claims on behalf of employees, sometimes organizing strikes. But in a country still largely underdeveloped, the Histadrut is also creating jobs by developing a strong corporate sector cooperatives Hevrat ovdim (Association of Workers). It becomes a major employer in the Palestine Mandate.

• Socialist unity. The Histadrut is the matrix of the unification of Achdut Ha'avoda and the other big advantage of the Zionist left, the Hapoel Hatzair (which effectively merged in 1930 ). The Socialist Zionist party activists meet there indeed, and militate side by side.

• Nationalist development. One of the main leaders of the Zionist right wing socialism, Ben Gurion emphasizes nationalism against the project of socialist transformation. In particular, Ben-Gurion always oppose that of non-Jews (Arabs) can be organized in the Histadrut. There is also a supporter of the support of the Zionist left to Chaim Weizmann as president of the World Zionist Organization. Weizmann is nevertheless a Liberal party of General Zionists (moderate right). Ben Gurion's slogan "the class to the people "is symbolic of its priorities. He said for example ^{The President of the Jewish Agency (1935)}
  Main article: Jewish Agency.

  After the assassination on 16 June 1933 of Haim Arlosoroff , head of political department of the Jewish Agency , Ben Gurion saw its influence grow further. It becomes in 1935 Chair of the Jewish Agency , and resigned his position in the Histadrut. He became the leader of the Yishuv Zionism. The alliance with the Liberals, however, continued to Weizmann: the latter is the president of the MSO.

  The same year (1935), Ben-Gurion tried to approach the Revisionist Party of Vladimir Jabotinsky. This right-wing nationalist indeed appalling relations with the Zionist left. The revisionists were charged with the murder of Arlosoroff (still today, this responsibility is being debated). The right wing of the party ( Brit Ha'birionim under the authority of Abba Ahimeir ), does not hide its sympathy for fascism. Ben Gurion even treated to Jabotinsky "Vladimir Hitler." But the extent of hatred between the two camps are starting to worry Ben Gurion. Despite their differences, Ben-Gurion and Jabotinsky then try to restore the unity of the Zionist movement. But the political agreement that they have developed, approved by the revisionist party, is dismissed by an internal referendum in the Histadrut. The incident is indicative of two things:

  • The priority of Ben Gurion in favor of nationalism in relation to the fight left - right.
  • The limits of his power. Although Jabotinsky called him a "dictator," Ben Gurion must take into account the wishes of his political base.

  After this political failure, one of the few of its career, relationships with the revisionists again become very bad.

  The Great Arab Revolt and the development of the Haganah (1935 - 1939)

  Main article: Haganah.

  Arab-Zionist in Mandatory Palestine
  Riots of 1920 - Jerusalem
  Riots of 1921 - Jaffa
  Riots of 1929 - Hebron
  Great Arab Revolt of 1936-1939
  Civil War of 1947-1948

  From late 1935 to 1939 , the Arab revolt against the British mandate. This revolt was due to the refusal to see a "Jewish national home" move in "Muslim land", one of the objectives of the mandate. The refusal of Jewish nationalism and Arab nationalism was born, from which the current Palestinian nationalism.

  Consequence of this revolt, the Haganah is growing strongly. Armed group to defend the Jews of Palestine, officially banned by the British Mandate, it was in the 1920s under the authority of the Histadrut. It passes in 1931 under the leadership of the Jewish Agency , which means that its political leader was Ben Gurion supreme until 1931 , and he returns in 1935.

  The partition plan of the Peel Commission (1937)

  Main article: Peel Commission.

  In 1937 , the UK (Peel Commission) plan to divide Palestine Mandate , and establish a small Jewish state on a small portion (15%) of the following: northern Mandatory Palestine and part of the coastal strip. Despite the modest size of the proposed State, Ben Gurion committed to the partition plan, against the advice of some of the Mapai (behind Berl Katznelson and Yitzhak Tabenkin ). To do this, he has the support of Chaim Weizmann.

  But it succeeds only partially overcome the strong resistance of the OSM. It accepts the idea of sharing, but rejects the proposed boundaries are too narrow.

  Given the lack of enthusiasm of the Zionists (and in the hostility of the Arab nationalist), the British abandoned the Peel Plan. But Ben-Gurion's reaction is indicative of his pragmatism.

  The White Paper and the rupture with the United Kingdom (1939)

  In 1939 , Ben-Gurion led a semi-state. It has its own government (the Jewish Agency ), its police, army (the Haganah ), parliament ( ha-Asefat nivharim ), its population (450,000 Jews).

  But the Great Arab Revolt convinced the British that Zionism was a factor in the development of Arab nationalism, and therefore a threat to British interests in the region. The "White Paper" of 1939 therefore indicates that only 75,000 Jews in Palestine can now enter. In 1949, Palestine became an independent unit, which is predominantly Arab.

  Ben Gurion is organizing the resolute opposition of the Yishuv to this policy.

  Illegal immigration is set up around the Mossad Aliyah Beth. It aims to bring Jews to Palestine.

  The rupture between the British and the Zionist project now being consumed, Ben Gurion and the Zionist Organization World Zionist Congress decided to Biltmore (New York, USA) in 1942 to claim a Jewish state in all Palestine, involving the British left.

  Meanwhile, Ben Gurion directs the Zionist movement in a strong support for the war effort against the Nazis. Members of the Yishuv, particularly the Haganah engaged in the "Jewish Brigade" under British command. He states: span class = "quote"> "We will help the British in the war as if there were no White Paper and we will fight against the White Paper as if there were no war." In 1942 the British mandatory power was indeed itself threatened by the troops of Rommel , and the arrival of German troops in the Middle East meant the likely end of the Yishuv.

  If the struggle against Nazism is a priority, securing the Zionist project is paramount. The historian Tom Segev has shown that feelings of helplessness and the order of priorities were severely limited attempts to help the Jews of Europe. "Ben Gurion, Golda Meir and Moshe Dayan were building a new state in Palestine, facing a hostile Arab world. And these pioneers had little interest in the extermination of their brethren in Europe The hardening of opposition (1945-1947)

  Main article: Irgun , Lehi and Haganah.

  In 1944 , the Irgun revisionist takes up arms against the United Kingdom.

  Between 1944 and 1945 , Ben Gurion organizes repression against those it considers terrorists. Members of the Irgun is delivered to the British. Others are kidnapped by the Haganah and subjected to harsh interrogation, sometimes abuse. But this policy is increasingly unpopular at progressively hardening British against Zionism.

  Refugee Crisis puts an end to this attitude of the Zionist Executive and Ben Gurion. Hundreds of thousands of survivors of the Holocaust want to return to Palestine, but the British opposed. This policy, seen as inhumane, angered the Yishuv.

  From 1945 , Ben Gurion redirects the policy of the Jewish Agency and the Haganah in a more anti-British. If the bloody actions of the Irgun (and dissent, Lehi ) continue to be condemned, the Haganah now involved in sabotage (normally without deaths) against the British. Ben Gurion organized strikes and sabotage, while enhancing the Haganah by a policy of buying weapons in Europe.

  Meanwhile, Ben Gurion and the Haganah develop massive illegal immigration ( Aliyah Beth). Tens of thousands of refugees are able to enter the country, but tens of thousands more were arrested by the British and imprisoned in camps in Cyprus or Germany , triggering a huge international sympathy. The top of this refugee crisis will be reached with the odyssey cargo Exodus.

  In 1947 , the British, who really no longer control the situation, decide to make their mandate over Palestine to the UN. It decided to divide the country between Jews and Arabs. See the detailed article on the Partition Plan of 1947.

  The creation of the State (1947 -1949)

  Main article: Civil War of 1947-1948 in mandatory Palestine.

  The vast majority of Arabs rejected the partition. From November 1947 the civil war between Jews and Arabs broke out in Palestine, under the passive eyes of the British, who left the country as the 15 May 1948.

  The army unit (Spring - Summer 1948)

  Ben-Gurion led the defense of the Yishuv. In March 1948 , a crisis is contrasted with the leadership of the Haganah, Ben-Gurion wants an offensive that management does not consider itself capable of carrying . Ben Gurion needed despite the threat of resignations, and the offensive succeeds.

  In May 1948 , Ben-Gurion created the IDF , which includes the Haganah, Irgun and Lehi. During the summer, a new crisis erupts, this time against the Irgun. The Irgun had maintained its units in the IDF. But Ben-Gurion did not want units politicized. Boasting an attempt to return the Irgun weapons in the country, Ben Gurion fired on the ship carrying the weapons, the Altalena. There are 18 dead 16 members of the Irgun, two soldiers of the IDF. Ben Gurion accused the Irgun and its leader, Menachem Begin , to prepare a coup. Irgun units are disbanded.

  Ben Gurion also decided to disband the Palmach (June-July). This elite unit created by the Haganah in 1941 , and whose executives and officers were seen as too closely tied to a party ( Mapam ).

  Ben Gurion imposed its authority over the armed groups, and has merged into a single army.

  For more information, see the article on the Revolutionary War.

  Proclamation of Independence (May 14, 1948)

  On 14 May 1948 (one day before the British left, to observe the Sabbath ), David Ben Gurion read on behalf of the Provisional Government Declaration of Independence of the State of Israel.

  Main article: Arab-Israeli war of 1948.

  Expanding Frontiers (1948 - 1949)

  Main article: Palestinian Exodus of 1948 and Palestinian refugees.

  The borders of 1947 were accepted without enthusiasm. The war, which really ends in March 1949 , allows to pass the borders of Palestine 55% to 73%.

  The Arab population left en masse the new state. Israel said they left alone, the Arabs say they were driven out: The village by village reality seems more complex .

  But it is clear that Ben Gurion has followed a dual policy:

  • Expanding the frontiers of the state maximum. Ben Gurion refused during this period the proposals of the UN representative, Folke Bernadotte for the resolution of the conflict, he believes territorially too unattractive. Folke Bernadotte will also assassinated in Jerusalem in the summer of 1948 by a commando of Lehi. Ben Gurion condemned the assassination. Lehi was disbanded, but the leaders of Lehi, convicted, were released after two weeks. The shooter Commando (Yehoshua Cohen) later became the bodyguard of Ben Gurion. Even today, some wonder about the role of Ben Gurion in the assassination. The mortgage UN lifted, Ben-Gurion's policy is offensive territorial conquests (such as operations Hiram and ten plagues ).
  • Ensure a Jewish majority as wide as possible. The Arabs were the majority in the new state. Whatever the causes of their departure, the reasons for their retention are indisputable: the formal opposition of Ben Gurion and the authorities of the new state.
  Related articles: History of Zionism # Consolidation of the State 1948-1967 and Palestinian refugees.

  The letter of the Status Quo (1947)

  An important difference between the historically ultra-Orthodox Jews ( Haredim ) and Zionists. The Haredim do not accept the idea of a non-religious Jewish state imposed by lay before the coming of the messiah. Ben Gurion did not want a religious opposition to the existence of the state, and will negotiate a compromise.

  In 1947 , during the UN investigation (UNSCOM) on the establishment of a Jewish state, Ben Gurion negotiated with the Agudat Israel , the political party (non-Zionist) ultra-Orthodox. They agree not to take a stand against the creation of the Jewish state (but do not support) in exchange for a letter says the status quo, signed by the Zionist leaders (left, General Zionists and religious Zionists ) which will:

  • book rabbinical courts management of personal status of Jews (marriages and divorces, in particular);
  • protect the autonomous institutions of the Agudat (especially in education);
  • ensure that the State encourages the practice of God's commandments.

  Under the leadership of Ben Gurion, the State exempts shortly after (in 1950 ) the ultra-Orthodox from military service.

  The letter of the status quo and exemption from military service are still the basis of current Israeli policy vis--vis the ultra-Orthodox Jews.

  The creation of the State: Overview

  Within months, the record of Ben Gurion method is as follows:

  • He created the IDF and eliminated political militias.
  • It has established a long-term compromise with the ultra-Orthodox Jews , who stop fighting the idea of a Jewish state.
  • It has preserved the independence of the fragile state and expanded its borders.
  • He assured a strong Jewish majority, at the cost of the tragedy of Palestinian refugees.

  Prime Minister (1948-1963)

  Apart from a two-year hiatus between 1954 and 1955 , Ben Gurion served as prime minister, informally of 14 May 1948 and officially 25 February 1949 to 26 June 1963.

  1948 - 1954: The New Republic

  

  

  Ben Gurion campaigning for Mapai , early 1949.

  This period is marked by a considerable influx of Jewish refugees. The Jewish population of the state doubled to nearly 1.3 million people.

  Faced with some who wanted to limit entries to better absorb them, Ben Gurion favors an immigration policy maximum.

  About half of the refugees are survivors of the Holocaust. But the other half are Jewish refugees Sephardic Arab countries, which is relatively new for a Yishuv previously constituted 80% of Ashkenazim from Europe. Their integration will be difficult given a very low level of education, and many consider it one of the most serious failures of Ben Gurion. In the 1970s , the Sephardim will turn against Labour, accusing them imperfect integration in the new state, and vote en masse for the Zionist right.

  The other major topic of the day is the policy of defense. In this regard, Ben Gurion, who retains the portfolio of defense, defended several areas:

  • A strong response to any outside attack. The attacks of Arab refugees are many, often (but not always) supported by the security services of neighboring Arab countries. Ben Gurion promotes a policy of retaliation sometimes bloody, which earned him criticism to the government (those of Moshe Sharett , his future successor, in particular).
  • The alliance with the West in general and France in particular. Pro-Soviet tendencies exist within the Zionist left ( Mapam ). Ben-Gurion against these trends requires a solid anchor West. More specifically, the 1950s are those of the alliance with France , including the military (supply of weapons by France).
  • The launch of a nuclear program, leading to the nuclear Dimona , matrix of the atomic bomb Israeli (supposed to have been developed in 1970 ^{1954 - 1955: semi-retired}
    

    

    Tomb of David Ben Gurion in the Kibbutz of Sde Boker in the Negev

    In October 1953, Ben-Gurion gave the order to conduct the operation which led to Shoshana Qibya massacre.

    Late 1953 , he announced his intention to withdraw from the government and moved to Kibbutz Sde Boker in the Negev of Israel. In fact, it does not abandon completely its government bonds, even if he lives at Kibbutz full year of 1954.

    Ben-Gurion left the power to Moshe Sharett. But he appointed himself Minister of Defense, Pinhas Lavon , and Chief of Staff, Moshe Dayan , in which Sharett will struggle to win. Ben Gurion therefore continues to have an important role, albeit informal, on decisions taken.

    1955 - 1963: the return to power

    

    

    Ben Gurion speaking at the Knesset in 1957.

    Ben-Gurion returned to power in 1955, after the elections following the debacle of the " Lavon Affair "(anti-Western attacks organized by Israeli agents in Egypt, and to discredit the Egyptian regime).

    It organizes the Sinai War of 1956 against the Egyptian , Egyptian in response to threats to destroy Israel, and Egyptian blockade against the Israeli port of Eilat.

    War is a military success: the Sinai was occupied and Ben Gurion plans to keep it. But opposition from two major Israeli operation in Franco-British back to the status quo: under pressure from the United States, the Sinai was returned to Egypt in early 1957 in exchange for an easing of security situation and the lifting of the blockade of Eilat. This relaxation lasts for ten years, until the Six Day War of 1967.

    He favors closer ties with Turkey , he secretly visited in 1958 at the invitation of Turkish Prime Minister at the time Adnan Menderes. During this visit, an agreement on economic and military cooperation was signed between the two countries.

    The departure from power 1963 - 1973

    In 1963 , Ben-Gurion resigns again, because as a result of the " Lavon Affair ".

    Marginalized within the Mapai , his own party he founded in 1965 on Rafi. This creation is a partial failure. The party obtained 7.9% and 10 seats in the elections of 1965. The score is not bad, but enough to allow Ben Gurion's return to power.

    In 1968 , he accepted the reunification of Rafi with Mapai and Achdut Ha'avoda , another division of Mapai, dating it from 1944. This restores the reunification Mapai policy in its perimeter 1930 , but under the new name of the Labour Party.

    Ben Gurion is a member of the Knesset until 1970. He retired at age 84, and died in 1973. He is buried in the Kibbutz of Sde Boker, in the grandiose setting of a canyon in the Negev.

    Functions

    • From 14 May 1948 to 25 February 1949 : Prime Minister (unofficially)
    • From 25 February 1949 to 26 January 1954 : Prime Minister.
    • From ¹ November 1950 to 26 January 1954 : Minister of Defence.
    • From 14 August 1952 to 24 December 1952 : Minister of Transport.
    • From 21 February 1955 to 26 June 1963 : Minister of Defence.
    • From 3 November 1955 to 26 June 1963 : Prime Minister.

    Personality

    David Ben-Gurion was a brilliant orator. Small, there was a strong personal charisma.

    Hard worker, authoritarian, he was also a huge player. His library consisted of about twenty thousand pounds. Ben-Gurion learned and the classical Greek to read Plato in the text. His diary has hundreds of thousands of pages.

    In 1966 , the historian Michael Bar-Zohar writes "David Ben Gurion was a lonely man. It is easier to admire than to love. He ignores the human gesture, the warm smile, the friendly word. He can not externalize his feelings.

    Ben-Gurion is well remembered for almost systematically refuse to call Menachem Begin 's name. At the Knesset, he used circumlocutions as "the man who sits to the right of member Baer.

    Ben Gurion was elected by the magazine Time as one of the 100 most important personalities who influenced the ^twentieth century .

    Bibliography

    • David Ben Gurion, Palestine in the post-war world - Report submitted by Ben-Gurion, chairman of the executive agency's Jewish Zionist extraordinary congress held in New York May 9, 1942, Earth Found, 1945
    • David Ben Gurion, The meaning of the Jewish revolution, Earth Found, 1947
    • David Ben Gurion, The People and the State of Israel, Editions de Minuit, 1959
    • David Ben Gurion, Israel, years of struggle, Flammarion, 1964, 1993, 2006
    • David Ben Gurion, Looking back, Editions du Rocher, 1965
    • David Ben Gurion, Israel's destiny, Hachette, 1967
    • David Ben Gurion, Ben Gurion speaking, Stock, 1971
    • David Ben Gurion, Memoirs - Israel before Israel, Grasset, 1974
    • David Ben Gurion, Arabs, Palestinians and me, this time Presses, 1974
    • David Ben Gurion, From Dream to Reality, Stock, 1986

    Quotes

    He wrote to his son Amos in 1937:

    "We do not want and we do not need to expel Arabs and take their place. All our hopes rest on the idea-checked throughout our business on this earth

    "" I do not understand your optimism, "I told Ben-Gurion." Why would they do the Arabs for peace? If I, myself, an Arab leader, I never signed with Israel. This is normal: we have taken their country. Certainly, God has promised us, but how can this be interested? Our God is not theirs. We come from Israel, it's true, but there is this two thousand years: how it affects them there? There have been anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was it their fault? They only see one thing: we came and we have stolen their country. Why would they? They perhaps forget in one or two generations, but for now, there is no chance. So it's simple: we must stay strong, have a powerful army. All politics is here. Otherwise, we will destroy the Arabs. "I was overwhelmed by pessimism, but he continued:" I will soon be seventy years. Well, Nahum, you ask me if I die and if I'll be buried in a Jewish state that I will answer yes: in ten years, in fifteen years, I think there will still be a Jewish state. But if you ask me whether my son Amos, who will be fifty years from the end of the year, is likely to die and be buried in a Jewish state, I will answer: fifty percent. But finally, I interrupted, how can you sleep with the idea of such a perspective while being Prime Minister of Israel? "Who says I sleep? "He replied simply. "

    - Quoted by Nahum Goldmann in The Jewish Paradox

    References

    1. Workers' Struggle , March 2006, Israel - After the Hamas victory and before the March 28 elections
    2. Review of Yves Cuau published on 13/01/1994 by the Express , about the book The Seventh Million , of Tom Segev.
    3. See pages 290-291 in Terror Out of Zion: The Fight for Israeli Independence, J. Bowyer Bell & Moshe Arens, Transaction Publishers, 1996
    4. On the retail leakage and expulsion zone by zone and period by period, see Morris, Benny , The Birth Of The Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-521-00967-7
    5. Michael Bar-Zohar, Ben Gurion, the armed prophet, Book A. Fayard, Paris, 1966
    6. Time Magazine Profile
    7. http://books.google.com/books?id=nvgat25ddU4C&printsec=frontcover OnePage = # v & q & f = false
    8. Nahum Goldman , The Jewish Paradox, Editions Stock, Paris, 1976, p. 121122

    See also

    Related articles

    • Cercle Ben Gurion

    External Links

    • Video: David Ben Gurion in 1965, a portrait of the Swiss Television
    • [1] , The Central Zionist Archives in Jerusalem: Office of David Ben-Gurion (S44), Personal papers (AK63).

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