Agudat Israel
Agudat Israel (in Hebrew , literally "Union of Israel) is a political party founded by a Jew in 1912 in Katowice ( Poland present at the time the Russian Empire ) as the political arm of Orthodox Judaism. There are today as a political party in Israel , but also internationally under the name World Agudath Israel Federation.
Summary |
Organization
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| This article is part of the series on Israeli policy , Subseries on policy . | |
The party is centered around a "Great Council (or sages) of the Torah ", composed of the greatest rabbis representing the currents that created the party. This board is unelected. There may be two ways to become a member of the Board:
- cooptation, or members depending choose a new member among the top ranks of rabbis,
- appointment, or a member of the Agudat structure (eg a community Hasidic ) denotes its sovereign representative, practice leader.
There is also, at times, the influence on the decisions of the Agudat prestigious rabbis outside the party structures (the Chazon Ish in the years 1940-50, for example).
The influence of the elected party is not zero, but is subject to the council of elders.
Agudat Israel before the establishment of the State of Israel
The Agudat was created in 1912 by a coalition of groups covered by Orthodox Judaism. Each group has its own options and ideological autonomy. This is due to the very structure of Orthodox Judaism , which has no centralized leadership. Every rabbi has his important followers. This is especially true among Hasidim , very nearly exploded on a feudal model. The Agudat is the spokesperson for this coalition of rabbis, and in any case it is the emanation of its militants or may not impose a notice to the constituent groups.
Reasons for creation
It means organizing religious Jews in the States not Jews of Europe East as a force of political pressure. The main thrust is to deny (more or less widely among denominations) modernity, to preserve a traditional way of life quite strongly focused on community, and as isolated as possible from the non-religious environment. He is also fighting against the "modernists" in Judaism: Reformed , Zionists , liberals , socialists , anarchists , etc..
Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox
Israeli sociologists often distinguish between the secular (very interested in religion, but not necessarily anti-religious), the traditionalists (religious partial), Orthodox (strict religious practice, but immersion in the modern world) and the ultra Orthodox, or Haredim , or god-fearing (strict religious practice, broad rejection of modernity, strong social commitment Separatism: special clothing, specific neighborhoods, specific religious institutions).
The Haredim do not define themselves as ultra-orthodox Jews but as Haredim (the "trembling" within the meaning of "those who tremble before God," or "God-fearing").
The Orthodox and the Haredim do not differ from a theological point of view, but in their lifestyle and their political orientations. When creating the Aguda there were three tendencies in his acceding potential: the Jews of Western Europe, disciples of R. SH.R. Hirsch, of the movement: "Torah Im Derech Eretz, which is to say, inserted in modern society. Those of Hasidic obedience, which were inserted at least in Western culture, occurring mostly in Poland, and the current holding yeshivot, Lithuanians. At the meeting of basic Katowice in 1911, one of the great rabbis who led, R. Hayim Soloveitchik of Brisk: said: "It is not to unify but to unite." So the difference between Orthodox and Haredi was not a problem.
Agudat Israel in Poland
World party, with branches in Palestine , the United States or other European countries, Agudat Israel had between the two world wars as the main area of strength Poland.
The party has obtained, most often through electoral coalitions, elected to the Polish Parliament. A scientific reference book has been written about this period: Gershon C. Bacon, The Politics of Tradition: Agudat Israel in Poland, 1916-1939, The Magnes Press, Jerusalem, 1996 ( ISBN 9652239623 ).
The relationship to Zionism
We can note 3 periods.
From 1912 to early 1930
For more information, see Chapter Jewish Anti-Zionism. What was decisive for the union of the Orthodox Aguda, was that at the Fifth Zionist Congress, it was decided to establish a secular nationalist curriculum. Secular political Zionism viewed the return to Zion, as a new dimension of the Jewish People. Nationalism is not just a way to have a homeland, but an ideal in itself. The Aguda opposed this design. The National Religious Party, Mizrahi, gave a sacred dimension to the Jewish state. Again the Aguda considered the national ideal can not replace the religious ideal. Rabbi Chaim Soloveitchik of Brisk said: Even if we had the idea to push our students to build the country, we can not associate ourselves with leaders who are opposed to religion "(quoted by Y. Friedner, in History Past generations).
The top of this clash will see the assassination by the Haganah one of the leaders of the Agudat Palestine, Jacob Israel de Haan , on July 1,1924 , because it proposed a cooperation with the Arabs against the secular Zionism.
Beginning in 1922 has created Poale Agudat Israel (PAI), causing branch working "from the Agudat, but eventually take a large autonomy (classic phenomenon in ultra-orthodoxy very balkanized between religious leaders). The PAI will quickly open more positions on Zionism (while criticizing his side too secular). It will also create kibbutzim and moshav on the model of socialist Zionists.
From early 1930 to the creation of Israel
Pressure on East European Jewry becomes very strong: Germany , Poland , Hungary , have policies hostile to Jews. The direction of Agudat (based in Europe Eastern), decides to increase emigration to the Holy Land , and for that accepts a limited collaboration with the Zionists, but that is not a rally. It is indeed the Jewish Agency , which had a monopoly on the distribution of immigration certificates for Palestine Mandate granted by the British. In 1937, stands at Marienbad an extraordinary meeting of leaders of the Aguda. They concluded the discussion by calling on all Jews in the world to participate in building the country according to the spirit of the Torah, so that it is expected that the Holy Land Tradition. (Friedner, p. 77)
From one thousand nine hundred thirty-nine - in 1940 , rabbis and worshipers arrive in disaster for Europe. They guide the Agudat in a more moderate vis--vis Zionism.
The Agudat of the Holy Land was traditionally a branch of the Agudat most hostile to Zionism. Religious traditionalists installed in the country for centuries had felt a strong sense of aggression (threat to their way of life) due to the arrival of newcomers Zionists , from the late nineteenth century.
The Palestine Agudat know so a split, when the Edah haHaredit leave the party by refusing his new attitude. This federation of ultra-Orthodox groups, particularly focusing on U.S. and Jerusalem , and including many communities Hasidim or not (being strongest the Hasidim of Satmar ), still exists and is always hostile to Zionism. One can also note the splitting of Neturei Karta of Mea Shearim , which are not formally a member of the Edah, and are considered even more anti-Zionist.
The creation of Israel and the letter on the Status Quo
After the Holocaust , the Agudat of Europe East no longer exists, and the Palestinian branch (and Israeli) becomes dominant (although today, some rabbis decision of the party are still based out of Israel, the United States States in particular).
In 1947 , during the investigation of the United Nations ( UNSCOM ) on the establishment of a Jewish state, the Agudat agrees not to take a stand against it (but do not support), in exchange for a e said the status quo, signed by the Zionist leaders (left Zionist General Zionists and religious Zionists) who undertake:
- book rabbinical courts management of personal status of Jews (marriages and divorces, in particular);
- protect the autonomous institutions of the Agudat (especially in education);
- ensure that the State encourages the practice of God's commandments.
The State shall exempt shortly after (in 1950) the ultra-Orthodox from military service.
The letter of the status quo and exemption from military service are still the basis of current Israeli policy vis--vis the ultra-Orthodox Jews.
Agudat Israel Israel
Despite its hostility to Zionism , based on the religious principle that only the arrival of the Messiah can restore a Jewish state in Eretz Israel , Agudat Israel has participated in all elections parliamentarians in Israel , alone or in coalition.
The partner of the coalition was the occasional Poale Agudat Israel until the 1980s, then the party Degel HaTorah ( Ashkenazi Orthodox not Hasidic ). The latter alliance was known as the Yahadut Hatorah
This turnout is utilitarian, and relatively little ideological Agudat Israel money after each election to support the Government in training (left or right) in exchange for material benefits for its yeshivas (religious schools) and other community institutions, and plays his position often essential to the survival of the government majority to pass laws enhancing compliance with the laws of Judaism in general and the Sabbath and kashrut in particular.
The period 1948-1952
During this period, the party participates in the coalition government with the Labour Party, the Mapai. His interests are primarily religious. In this capacity he obtained in 1950 the exemption from military service for students at Yeshiva. They were then few. But their rapid numerical growth will eventually create significant tensions with Israeli civil society, which does not always understand this "privilege".
The covenant is broken with Labour in 1952 following the latter's insistence on military service for young girls. To the Haredim , domination other than the father or husband to wife is unacceptable. A haredi leaders declare that even if conscription was to be conscripted to recite psalms, it should be combated because it deviated from this rule.
The period 1952-1977
The Agudat Israel is in opposition. At the ideological level, it is radical. Politically, much less.
From an ideological perspective, the haredi public at the time developed a visceral hostility to the Socialists 'atheists'. In the Haredi community, access to modern media is low, and rumors spread quickly there. Two generations have grown up with Haredim horrifying stories (their views), sometimes true, sometimes false, desecration of sacred texts, boys and girls taking a shower together in the kibbutzim , children religious high strength in the secular education system.
From a political standpoint, the Agudat has however kept to bind to the nationalist right ( Herut , the main forerunner of Likud ). Instead, he coined his votes in parliament according to their current interests. The Agudat was influential in two ways:
- Through the National Religious Party. The latter, representing the religious Zionists, was to all coalitions with the Socialists until 1977. He always had a certain "inferiority complex" religious vis--vis the ultra-orthodox (from Ilan Greilsammer, an Israeli political scientist in Israel, men in black). These rabbis and thus exert some influence on the religious views of the NRP, which in turn influences the attitude of the ruling coalition, led by Mapai until 1977.
- Through its direct votes. Mapai and the other coalition parties have sometimes divided on certain non-religious. The Agudat has coined his votes on issues that did not interest lay not in exchange for benefits, especially funding for religious institutions, its schools, yeshivot.
From 1960 to 1969 , the Poale Agudat Israel, until very related to the Agudat (but nationalist), participated in the Israeli government (with the support of some rabbis) against the order of the "great council of the Torah "the Agudat, which was traumatic for the haredi world, who consider this" revolt "as a sacrilege. IPA members are harassed, attacked on call. The head of the IPA, Benjamin Mintz, himself a Hasid of Gour , will be excluded from the synagogues of his community. For 9 years, relations will be severed between the two sides brothers, and really will not resume until after the departure of PAI government.
During this period, the Agudat has generally got 3-4 seats when he stood alone, and PAI 2. Lorqu'ils stood together, both parties have 5-6 seats (4 to 5% of the vote). The ability of the Agudat to attract non-haredi voters is low.
Internal conflicts between factions in the Agudat often occur during the distribution of funds from the government. Each group wants to effect a share as high as possible to its institutions.
After 1977
In 1977, Menachem Begin and the Likud came to power. Although Zionist right is more conservative in matters of religion and relations between the government and thus improving the Haredim. Menachem Begin , in particular, insists that much for his respect for religious traditions, is very popular in the Haredi world. His successor, Yitzhak Shamir , who hid his lack of interest in religious matters, will be much less well understood. Even today, Begin is undoubtedly the prime minister who has left the best memories with Haredim.
The Agudat falls within the government and participate in many of them since then, but not all.
The Aguda will expand its activities in two directions:
Fundraising: As always, obtaining funds for its institutions is a priority. In this regard, the governments of the 1980s and 90 will be for the government annals Agudat (and its divisions, see below). The Agudat is necessary for governments Likud until 1983. The two parties who run the governments of left-right National Unity (1983-1990), the Mapai and the Likud , also compete with the alliance parties Haredim, for the inevitable consequences of a failure of the coalition government. The payment of the amounts are reached so far unmatched. The Agudat chair from 1977 the Finance Committee of the Knesset and thus obtains greater access to government funds. But the payments are made through religious members. Each member focuses on the faction he represents and religious institutions that depend on it. This function of representation and fundraising of the Agudat, as much as ideological reasons, explains quite well the following divisions: each faction wants its own members.
If partly explains the collapse of the Agudat, the influx of government funds also explains the considerable growth of religious institutions, especially educational, from the Haredi world since 1977.
Respect for Jewish law: the getting a considerable hardening of the relevant legislation, which was very badly by the laity, and resulted in confrontations with the religious law on the sale of pork, autopsies , abortion, respect for the Sabbath (a ban on flights to El-Al ), etc.. Subsequent analysis showed that Israeli society has largely bypassed these prohibitions enough. On this point, beyond the law, the Haredim do not get as wide as a success in the financial field.
The divisions of the 1980s
In the 1980s, the Agudat Israel will know two divisions.
The Shas
After the creation of Israel, the ultra-Orthodox Israelis have tried to attract them Sephardim. These, quite religious, did not, however, then the distinction between orthodoxy (politically rather Zionist) and ultra-orthodoxy (rather Agudat). But some Sephardim (especially young people raised in the religious education system from 1950) accepted the distrust of the Agudat towards modernity, and they joined, forming a new faction Sephardic. It will however held away from the central decisions Agudat, and eventually leave the party to form his own band, the Shas in 1984.
Like all major decisions in the ultra-Orthodox, the split took place under the patronage of influential rabbis. Here it is mainly Rav Ovadia Yosef (former Sephardic chief rabbi of Israel ) and Rav Shach or Shach (Ashkenazi rabbi of the trend "Lithuanian" (non- Hassidic )). The influence of Sephardic Rabbi of the Haredim is explained by the fact that many of them were educated in yeshivot "Lithuanian." Rav Schach (or Shakh) was a leader of the Agudat. But there were growing differences with some Hasidim , especially Lubavitch. These are not formally a member of the Agudat, but have some influence on it. The hardening of Clashes in part explains the attitude Splits rav.
Degel HaTorah
Degel HaTorah is the other division sponsored by Rav Shach (Rabbi Shach or) in 1988. This time it concerns the non-Ashkenazi Hasidim (the Mitnaggdim ), who felt underrepresented in the Agudat. It also expresses the hardening increasing clashes with Lubavitch, who will participate strongly in the 1988 election alongside the Agudat before returning to their traditional and relative political indifference.
Splits: Consequences
In the second half of the 1980s, the landscape of religious non-Zionist political parties erupted in Israel.
- The Agudat now comprises mainly ultra-Orthodox Hasidic and Ashkenazi. The IPA (which has obtained a seat in 1977 and 0 in 1981) and has more self-expression since 1988, and has completely joined the Agudat.
- Degel HaTorah includes mostly non-Hasidic ultra-Orthodox ("Lithuanian") and Ashkenazim (however, in 1988, Belz Hasidim, not related to the Agudat, we decided to support the party).
- The Shas brings together non-Hasidic ultra-Orthodox and Sephardic. Peculiarity of Shas, one of his spiritual mentors (only after the death of Rav Shach) is a former chief rabbi of Israel, a Zionist institution. Another original, it also attracts voters not ultra-Orthodox and Zionist: traditionalists Sephardim.
Beyond these differences, the three parties have very similar approaches. They want their educational and religious institutions are aided by the state, and that it promotes Jewish religious practice.
In the 1990s, Israel and Degel HaTorah Agudat will present joint lists (but not reunite) under the name Yahadut Hatorah. This alliance was broken in 2005 due to a divergence between rabbis (should accept or not official positions) before reforming.
Perception of the Israeli public today
Three agenda items of the three parties Haredim are now frowned upon by the majority of public opinion (according to polls):
- The desire to impose religious rules to the rest of the Jewish population. There are differences between Haredim (Rav Shach saw little benefit), but there is a tendency to ask for a strengthening of respect for religious laws, particularly in terms of Kashrut and Shabbat ;
- The request for additional funding for schools and yeshivas ;
- The refusal to let the young ultra-Orthodox (there are exceptions) do their military service in a country where the defense is a priority.
Thus, a party like Shinui , comprising supporters of greater secularism , has built its electoral success on the denunciation of "privileges" and "abuse" of religious parties.
But another part of the population also believes these parties as guarantors of fidelity "modern" institutions of the state in the Jewish tradition.
Today, the relationship to secular Zionism is ambiguous: it is still officially release (occasionally comes the idea that the Holocaust is a punishment from God against Zionism anti-religious). But at the same time, there is an obvious de facto participation in the state. It was also noted that a reconciliation with the Zionist religious supporters of Agudat showed a clear opposition to the evacuation of Jewish settlements (usually religious Zionists) of the Gaza Strip in 2005.
Electoral results
Below are listed the electoral scores of Agudat Israel and Poale Agudat Israel, that they be presented together or separately.
| Years | 1951 | 1955 | 1959 | 1961 | 1965 | 1969 | 1973 | 1977 | 1981 | 1984 | 1988 | 1992 | 1996 | 1999 | 2003 | 2006 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| percentage | 3.6% | 4.7% | 4.7% | 5.6% | 5.1% | 5.0% | 3.8% | 4.7% | 3.7% | 1.7% | 4.7% | (*) | (*) | (*) | (*) | (*) |
| Seats | 5 | 6 | 6 | 6 | 6 | 6 | 5 | 5 | 4 | 2 | 5 | 2 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 |
The PAI and Agudat arise separated in 1951 (1.6% for PAI) in 1961 (1.9% for PAI) in 1965 (1.8% for PAI) in 1969 (1.9% for PAI) and in 1977 (1.3% for PAI).
(*) Since 1992, we can not give the specific score of Agudat: His elect have been on a joint list with those of Degel HaTorah. The alliance (broken in 2005, restored in early 2006) called Yahadut Hatorah (United Torah Judaism). Her scores:
- 1992: 3.3% (2 seats Degel HaTorah).
- 1996: 3.3% (1 seat for Degel HaTorah).
- 1999: 3.7% (2 seats Degel HaTorah).
- 2003: 4.3% (2 seats Degel HaTorah).
- 2006: 4.7% (2 seats Degel HaTorah).
Source: Marius Schattner: "History of the Israeli right" - complex Editions - 1991 and the site of the Knesset.
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